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导读: 林肯演说词(篇一)《林肯演讲稿》 The ...

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林肯演说词(篇一)
《林肯演讲稿》

The Gettysburg Address

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

November 19, 1863

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

时间:1863年11月19日

地点:美国,宾夕法尼亚,葛底斯堡

八十七年前,我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是,从更广泛的意义上说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;我们要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲;我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

林肯演说词(篇二)
《盖茨堡演讲_林肯——经典演讲稿》

经典演讲之——

The Gettysburg Address — Abraham Lincoln

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of the field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate — we can not consecrate — we can not hallow — this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advance. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people shall not perish from the earth.

葛底斯堡的演讲

87年以前,我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家。它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者说以考验任何一个孕育于自由而奉行上述原因的国家是否能够存在下去。

我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们在此集会是为了把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是,从更广泛的意义上来说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化。曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和死了的,已经把这块土地神圣化了。这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。全世界将很少注意到、也不会长期地记起我们在这里所说

的话,但全世界永远不会忘记勇士们在这里做过的事。毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业,倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务,以便使我们从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业,以便使我们在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲,以便使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生,并且使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存

林肯演说词(篇三)
《林肯经典演说词》

林肯在葛底斯堡的演讲 《林肯在葛底斯堡的演讲》是南北内战中为纪念在葛底斯堡战役中阵亡战士所做的一篇演讲。是林肯最出名的演讲,也是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一,用时不到2分钟 1863年7月3日葛底斯堡战役是美国南北战争中最为残酷的一战,这是南北战争的转折点。这场战役交战双方共死了51000人,而当时美国只有几百万人口。四个月后林肯总统到葛底斯堡战场访问,为这场伟大战役的阵亡将士墓举行落成仪式。 这篇演说是在1863年11月19日发表的。这篇演讲被认为是英语演讲中的最高典范,尤其重要的是,林肯在演讲中表达了一个政府存在的目的——民有、民治、民享。其演讲手稿被藏于美国国会图书馆,其演说辞被铸成金文,长存于牛津大学。至今,人们也常在许多重要场合提起或朗诵它。 虽然这是一篇庆祝军事胜利的演说,但它没有好战之气。相反,这是一篇感人肺腑的颂辞,赞美那些作出最后牺牲的人们,以及他们为之献身的那些理想。 全文如下: The Gettysburg Address    Gettysburg, Pennsylvania    November 19, 1863      Fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.      Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.      But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth. 主讲:亚伯拉罕·林肯    时间:1863年11月19日    地点:美国,宾夕法尼亚,葛底斯堡      八十七年前,我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则。      我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。

烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。      但是,从更广泛的意义上说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;我们要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲;我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

林肯演说词(篇四)
《林肯演说词》

林肯著名演讲

Gettysburg Address 葛底斯堡演说

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

November 19, 1863

-Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

-Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives. That nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

-But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have

consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.

-It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us - that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to - that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion - that we here highly resolve - that these dead shall not have died in vain - that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom - and that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

(By Abraham Lincoln)

葛底斯堡演说

亚伯拉罕·林肯,1863年11月19日 宾夕法尼亚 葛底斯堡(盖兹堡) 公墓山

87年前,我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切 人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个 孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟 大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这 里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而 且是非常恰当的。

但是,从更广泛的意义上来说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化。 那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我 们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久 地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说,倒是我们这些 还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事 业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些 光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;我们 要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲;我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自

由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

Second Inaugural Address 第二次就职演说

by Abraham Lincoln March 4, 1865

Fellow-Countrymen:

At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less

occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from this urgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to

dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were

colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. Their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.

All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen,

perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other.

It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet."

If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the

providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any

departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him?

Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that thi——ighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the

bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said "The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.

林肯第二次就职演说

(1865年3月4日)

一八六四年当林肯再度当选连任总统职位时,美国仍为内战所分裂。当时战争的结果仍不能确定,而林肯的再度当选,成为北方人民决心作战到底争取最后胜利的一个令人振奋的表现。一八六五年三月四日当林肯宣誓就职时,局势清楚显示北方即将战胜,战争行将结束。在这篇就职演讲词中,林肯致力于讨论战后美国人民将面临的重大课题。林肯希望避免一切过错与惩罚的问题。当他准备实施这项政策时,一个刺客的枪弹葬送了他的崇高理想。 各位同胞:

在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中,不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候,对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明,似乎是适当的。现在四年任期已满,在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中--这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀,还且占用了国家大部分力量--都经常发布文告,所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展,是一切其它问题的关键所在,各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的,而我相信进展的情况,可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望,那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。

四年前在与此同一场合里,所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它,想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说,竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦,然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦--他们力图瓦解联邦,并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争,可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存,另一方则宁可接受这场战争,而不愿国家灭亡,于是战争就来临了。

我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴,他们并非遍布整个联邦,而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益,反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦,而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初,任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到目前那么大的范围,持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止,甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利,都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经,祈祷于同一个上帝,甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方,人们竟敢求助于上帝,来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包,这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家,免得别人判断我们。

我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿,而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难,因为罪恶总是要来的;然而那个作恶的人,要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一,而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免,但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间,他现在便要消除这些罪恶;假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上,作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚,难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着,我们热忱地祈祷着,希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是,假使上帝要让战争再继续下去,直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有,并像三千年前所说的那样,等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血,被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消,那么我们仍然只能说,「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。」

我们对任何人都不怀恶意,我们对任何人都抱好感,上帝让我们看到正确的事,我们就坚定地信那正确的事,让我们继续奋斗,以完成我们正在进行的工作,去治疗国家的创伤,去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀,尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。

林肯演说词(篇五)
《林肯演讲稿

Second Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1865

Fellow-Countrymen:

At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South

this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.

亚伯拉罕·林肯

第二次演讲

星期六,1865年3月4日

包扎好国家的创伤

同胞们:

在这第二次宣誓就任总统时,我不必像第一次那样发表长篇演说。当时,对于将要执行的方针作出比较详尽的说明似乎是恰当而适宜的。现在,4年任期已满,对于这场仍然吸引着全国关注并占用了全国力量的重大斗争的每一重要关头和方面,这4年间已不断地发布公告,因此我没有什么新情况可以奉告。我们军队的进展是其他一切的主要依靠,公众和我一样都清楚地了解军队进展的憎况,我深信,大家对之都是感到满意和鼓舞的,我们虽对未来抱有极大的希望,却下敢作出任何预测。4年前我就任总统时,同胞们的思想都焦急地集中在日益迫近的内战上,大家都害怕内战,都想避免内战,当我在这个地方发表就职演说,竭尽全力想不经过战争来拯救联邦时,叛乱分子却在这个城市里图谋不经过战争来毁灭联邦——企图以谈判方式解散联邦并分割财产。双方都表示反对战争,但一方宁愿发动战争而下借牺牲国家,另一方则宁可接受战争也不肯让国家灭亡,于是战争就爆发了。

我国全部人口的八分之一是黑人奴隶,他们并不是遍布于联邦各地,而是集中在联邦南部。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊的、重大的利益。大家都知道,这种利益由于某种原因竟成了这次战争的根源。叛乱者的目的是加强、永保和扩大这种利益,为此他们下惜用战争来分裂联邦,而政府却只是宣布有权限制享有这种利益的地区的扩大。双方都没有料到战争竟会达到如此规模,历时如此长久。双方也没有预期冲突的根源会随着冲突本身而消除,甚至会提前消除。各方都期望赢得轻松些,期望结局不至于那么涉及根本,那么惊人。双方同读一本《圣经》,向同一个上帝祈祷,而且都乞求上帝的帮助来与对方为敌。看来十分奇怪,居然有人敢要求公正的上帝帮助他们从别人脸上的汗水中榨取面包,但是我们且勿评论别人,以免被人评论。双方的祷告不可能都应验。也没有一方的祷告全部得到应验。全能的上帝有他自己的意旨。“这世界有祸了,因为将人绊倒,绊倒人的事是免不了的,但那绊倒人的有祸了。”如果我们设想美国的奴隶制是按照天意必然来到的罪恶之一,并且在上帝规定的时间内继续存在,而现在上帝要予以铲除,于是他就把这场

可怕的战争作为犯罪者应受的灾难加诸南北双方,那么,我们能看出其中有任何违背天意之处吗?相信上帝永存的人总是把无意归于上帝的。我们深情地期望,虔诚地祷告,这场巨大的战争灾祸能够很快地过去,但是如果上帝要它继续下去,直至奴隶们250年来无偿劳动所积聚的财富全部毁灭,或如人们在三千年前说过的,直至鞭于下流出的每一滴血都要用剑下流出的每一滴血来偿还,那么今天我们还得说:“主的审判是完全正确和公正的。”

对任何人不怀恶意,对一切人心存宽厚,坚持正义,因为上帝使我们看到了正义,让我们继续努力完成正在从事的事业,包扎好国家的创伤,关心那些肩负战争重任的人,照顾他们的遗孀孤儿,去做能在我们自己中间和与一切国家缔造并保持公正持久和平的一切事情。

林肯演说词(篇六)
《林肯演讲稿

The Gettysburg

Address

Abraham Lincoln

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

November 19, 1863

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

八十七年前, 我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自 1

由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后的安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是,从更广泛的意义上来说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务――我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;我们要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲;我们要使国家在上帝的福佑下得到自由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

(朱曾汶译)

选自《英译汉名篇赏析》李亚丹主编

Gettysburg Battlefield

One of the bloodiest battles of the Civil War was fought in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, on July 1-3, 1863. General Robert E. Lee came face to face with a Union army led by General George Meade. On July 3, Lee sent three divisions, about 15,000 men in all, against the Union. This oval-shaped map by Theodore Ditterline depicts troops and artillery positions along with roads, railways, and houses with names of residents. The Library has one of the finest

collections of Civil War printed maps and the foremost collection of Confederate field maps, numbering more than 2,300.

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

2

林肯演说词(篇七)
《林肯演讲稿》

Gettysburg Address

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to theproposition that all men are created equal.

Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing

whether that Nation, or any nation soconceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth."

Abraham Lincoln

葛底斯堡演讲

八十七年以前,我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家,它孕育于自由,并且献身给一种理念,即所有人都是声来平等的。

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

当前,我们正在从事一次伟大的内战,我们在考验,究竟这个国家,或任何一个有这种主张和这种信仰的国家,是否能长久存在。我们在那次战争的一个伟大的战场上集会。我们来到这里,奉献那个战场上的一部分土地,作为在此地为那个国家的生存而牺牲了自己生命的人的永久眠息之所。我们这样做,是十分合情合理的。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

可是,就更深一层意义而言,我们是无从奉献这片土地的--无从使它成为圣地--也不能把它变为人们景仰之所。那些在这里战斗的勇士,活着的和死去的,已使这块土地神圣化了,远非我们的菲薄能力所能左右。世人会不大注意,更不会长久记得我们在此地所说的话,然而他们将永远忘不了这些人在这里所做的事。相反,我们活着的人应该献身于那些曾在此作战的人们所英勇推动而尚未完成的工作。我们应该在此献身于我们面前所留存的伟大工作--由于他们的光荣牺牲,我们要更坚定地致力于他们曾作最后全部贡献的那个事业--我们在此立志宣誓,不能让他们白白死去--要使这个国家在上帝的庇佑之下,得到新生的自由--要使那民有、民治、民享的政府不致从地球上消失。

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate-we cannot consecrate-we cannot hallow-this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, for above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us-that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion-that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have

died in vain-that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom-and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

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