林肯的演讲稿forthepepper

导读：　林肯的演讲稿forthepepper(共4篇)...

以下是中国招生考试网www.chinazhaokao.com为大家整理的《林肯的演讲稿forthepepper》，希望大家能够喜欢！更多资源请搜索成考报名频道与你分享！

林肯就职演讲稿
林肯的演讲稿forthepepper 第一篇

林肯第一次就职演说(1861年3月4日)

first inaugural address of abraham lincoln monday， march 4， 1861

fellow-citizens of the united states: in pliance with a custom as old as the government itself， i appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the constitution of the united states to be taken by the president before he enters on the execution of this office。" i do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement。 apprehension seems to exist among the people of the southern states that by the accession of a republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered。

there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension。林肯就职演讲稿。 indeed， the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection。 it is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you。 i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that-- i have no purpose， directly or indirectly， to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists。 i believe i have no lawful right to do so， and i have no inclination to do so。 those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this， they placed in the platform for my acceptance， and as a law to themselves and to me， the clear and emphatic resolution which i now read: resolved， that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states， and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively， is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory， no matter what pretext，as among the gravest of crimes。

i now reiterate these sentiments， and in doing so i only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property， peace， and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now ining administration。 i add， too， that all the protection which， consistently with the constitution and the laws， can be given will be cheerfully given to all the states when lawfully demanded， for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another。林肯就职演讲稿。 there is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor。 the clause i now read is as plainly written in the constitution as any other of its provisions: no person held to service or labor in one state， under the laws thereof， escaping into another， shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor， but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due。 it is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law。

all members of congress swear their support to the whole constitution--to this provision as much as to any other。 to the proposition， then， that slaves whose cases e within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous。 now， if they would make the effort in good temper， could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority， but surely that difference is not a very material one。 if the slave is to be surrendered， it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done。 and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

again: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced， so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states"? i take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while i do not choose now to specify particular acts of congress as proper to be enforced， i do suggest that it will be much safer for all， both in official and private stations， to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional。 it is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a president under our national constitution。 during that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the government。 they have conducted it through many perils， and generally with great success。

yet， with all this scope of precedent， i now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty。 a disruption of the federal union， heretofore only menaced， is now formidably attempted。 i hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the constitution the union of these states is perpetual。 perpetuity is implied， if not expressed， in the fundamental law of all national governments。 it is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination。 continue to execute all the express provisions of our national constitution， and the union will endure forever， it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself。 again: if the united states be not a government proper， but an association of states in the nature of contract merely， can it， as acontract， be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? one party to a contract may violate it--break it， so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? descending from these general principles， we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the union itself。 the union is much older than the constitution。

it was formed， in fact， by the articles of association in 1774。 it was matured and continued by the declaration of independence in 1776。 it was further matured， and the faith of all the then thirteen states expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual， by the articles of confederation in 1778。 and finally， in 1787， one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the constitution was "to form a more perfect union。" but if destruction of the union by one or by a part only of the states be lawfully possible， the union is less perfect than before the constitution， having lost the vital element of perpetuity。 it follows from these views that no state upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void， and that acts of violence within any state or states against the authority of the united states are insurrectionary or revolutionary， according to circumstances。 i therefore consider that in view of the constitution and the laws the union is unbroken， and to the extent of my ability， i shall take care， as the constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me， that the laws of the union be faithfully executed in all the states。 doing this i deem to be only a simple duty on my part， and ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters， the american people， shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary。 i trust this will not be regarded as a menace， but only as the declared purpose of the union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself。 in doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence， and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority。 the power confided to me will be used to hold， occupy， and possess the property and places belonging to the government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects， there will be no invasion， no using of force against or among the people anywhere。 where hostility to the united states in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent petent resident citizens from holding the federal offices， there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object。 while the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices， the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that i deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices。 the mails， unless repelled， will continue to be furnished in all parts of the union。 so far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection。 the course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper， and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised， according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections。 that there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it i will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such， i need address no word to them。 to those， however， who really love the union may i not speak? before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric， with all its benefits， its memories， and its hopes， would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? will you， while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from， will you risk the mission of so fearful a mistake? all profess to be content in the union if all constitutional rights can be maintained。 is it true， then， that any right plainly written in the constitution has been denied? i think not。 happily， the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this。 think， if you can， of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the constitution has ever been denied。 if by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right， it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one。 but such is not our case。 all the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations， guaranties and prohibitions， in the constitution that controversies never arise concerning them。 but no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration。 no foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions。 shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by state authority? the constitution does not expressly say。 may congress prohibit slavery in the territories? the constitution does not expressly say。 must congress protect slavery in the territories? the constitution does not expressly say。 from questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies， and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities。 if the minority will not acquiesce， the majority must， or the government must cease。 there is no other alternative， for continuing the government is acquiescence on one side or the other。 if a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce， they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them， for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority。 for instance， why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again， precisely as portions of the present union now claim to secede from it? all who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this。 is there such perfect identity of interests among the states to pose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession? plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy。 a majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations， and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments， is the only true sovereign of a free people。 whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism。 unanimity is impossible。 the rule of a minority， as a permanent arrangement， is wholly inadmissible; so that， rejecting the majority principle， anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left。 i do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the supreme court， nor do i deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit， while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the government。 and while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case， still the evil effect following it， being limited to that particular case， with the chance that it may be overruled and never bee a precedent for other cases， can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice。 at the same time， the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the supreme court， the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers， having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal。 nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges。 it is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them， and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes。 one section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended， while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended。 this is the only substantial dispute。 the fugitive- slave clause of the constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced， perhaps， as any law can ever be in a munity where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself。 the great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases， and a few break over in each。 this， i think， can not be perfectly cured， and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before。 the foreign slave trade， now imperfectly suppressed， would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section， while fugitive slaves， now only partially surrendered， would not be surrendered at all by the other。 physically speaking， we can not separate。 we can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them。 a husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other， but the different parts of our country can not do this。 they can not but remain face to face， and intercourse， either amicable or hostile， must continue between them。 is it possible， then， to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? suppose you go to war， you can not fight always; and when， after much loss on both sides and no gain on either， you cease fighting， the identical old questions， as to terms of intercourse， are again upon you。 this country， with its institutions， belongs to the people who inhabit it。 whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government， they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it。 i can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national constitution amended。 while i make no remendation of amendments， i fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject， to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and i should， under existing circumstances， favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it。 i will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable， in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves， instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others， not especially chosen for the purpose， and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse。 i understand a proposed amendment to the constitution--which amendment， however， i have not seen--has passed congress， to the effect that the federal government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the states， including that of persons held to service。 to avoid misconstruction of what i have said， i depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that， holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law， i have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable。 the chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people， and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the states。 the people themselves can do this if also they choose， but the executive as such has nothing to do with it。 his duty is to administer the present government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor。 why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? is there any better or equal hope in the world? in our present differences， is either party without faith of being in the right? if the almighty ruler of nations， with his eternal truth and justice， be on your side of the north， or on yours of the south， that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the american people。 by the frame of the government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief， and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals。 while the people retain their virtue and vigilance no administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years。 my countrymen， one and all， think calmly and well upon this whole subject。 nothing valuable can be lost by taking time。 if there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately， that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it。 such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old constitution unimpaired， and， on the sensitive point， the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power， if it would， to change either。 if it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute， there still is no single good reason for precipitate action。 intelligence， patriotism， christianity， and a firm reliance on him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still petent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty。 in your hands， my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen， and not in mine， is the momentous issue of civil war。 the government will not assail you。 you can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors。 you have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government， while i shall have the most solemn one to "preserve， protect， and defend it。" i am loath to close。 we are not enemies， but friends。 we must not be enemies。 though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection。 the mystic chords of memory， stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land， will yet swell the chorus of the union， when again touched， as surely they will be， by the better angels of our nature。

译文:

合众国的同胞们:

1861年3月4日

按照一个和我们的政府一样古老的习惯，我现在来到诸位的面前，简单地讲几句话，并在你们的面前，遵照合众国宪法规定一个总统在他“到职视事之前”必须宣誓的仪式，在大家面前宣誓。

我认为没有必要在这里来讨论并不特别令人忧虑和不安的行政方面的问题。

在南方各州人民中似乎存在着一种恐惧心理。他们认为，随着共和党政府的执政，他们的财产，他们的和平生活和人身安全都将遭到危险。这种恐惧是从来没有任何事实根据的。说实在的，大量相反的证据倒是一直存在，并随时可以供他们检查的。那种证据几乎在现在对你们讲话的这个人公开发表的每一篇演说中都能找到。这里我只想引用其中的一篇，在那篇演说中我曾说，“我完全无意，对已经存在奴隶制的各州的这一制度，进行直接或间接的干涉。我深信我根本没有合法权利那样做，而且我无此意图。”那些提名我并选举我的人都完全知道，我曾明确这么讲过，并且还讲过许多类似的话，而且从来也没有收回过我已讲过的这些话。不仅如此，他们还在纲领中，写进了对他们和对我来说，都具有法律效力的一项清楚明白、不容含糊的决议让我接受。这里我来对大家谈谈这一决议:

“决议，保持各州的各种权利不受侵犯，特别是各州完全凭自己的决断来安排和控制本州内部各种制度的权利不受侵犯，乃是我们的政治结构赖以完善和得以持久的权力均衡的至为重要的因素;我们谴责使用武装力量非法入侵任何一个州或准州的土地，这种入侵不论使用什么借口，都是最严重的罪行。”

我现在重申这些观点:而在这样做的时候，我只想提请公众注意，最能对这一点提出确切证据的那就是全国任何一个地方的财产、和平生活和人身安全决不会在任何情况下，由于即将上任的政府而遭到危险。这里我还要补充说，各州只要符合宪法和法律规定，合法地提出保护要求，政府便一定会乐于给予保护，不管是出于什么原因一一而且对任何一个地方都一视同仁。

有一个争论得很多的问题是，关于逃避服务或引渡从劳役中逃走的人的问题。我现在要宣读的条文，也和任何有关其它问题的条款一样，明明白白写在宪法之中:

“凡根据一个州的法律应在该州于服务或从事劳役的人，如逃到另一州，一律不得按照这一州的法律或条例，使其解除该项服务或劳役，而必，须按照有权享有该项服务或劳役当事人的要求，将其引渡。”

毫无疑问，按照制订这一条款的人的意图，此项规定实际指的就是，对我们所说的逃亡奴隶有权索回;而法律制订人的这一意图实际已成为法律。国会的所有议员都曾宣誓遵守宪法中的一切条款——对这一条和其它各条并无两样。因此，关于适合这一条款规定的奴隶应“将其引渡”这一点，他们的誓言是完全一致的。那么现在如果他们心平气和地作一番努力，他们难道不能以几乎同样完全一致的誓言，制订一项法律，以使他们的共同誓言得以实施吗?

究竟这一条款应该由国家当局，还是由州当局来执行，大家的意见还不完全一致;但可以肯定地说，这种分歧并不是什么十分重要的问题。只要奴隶能被交还，那究竟由哪一个当局来交还，对奴隶或对别的人来说，没有什么关系。任何人，在任何情况下，也决不会因为应以何种方式来实。现他的誓言这样一个无关紧要的争执，他便会认为完全可以不遵守自己的誓言吧?

另外，在任何有关这一问题的法律中，应不应该把文明和人道法学中关于自由的各项保证都写上，以防止在任何情况下使一个自由人被作为奴隶交出吗?同时，宪法中还有一条规定，明确保证“每一州的公民都享有其它各州公民所享有公民的一切特权和豁免权”，我们用法律保证使这一条文得以执行，那不是更好吗?

我今天在这里正式宣誓，思想上决无任何保留，也决无意以任何过于挑剔的标准来解释宪法或法律条文。我现在虽不打算详细指出国会的哪些法令必须要遵照执行;但我建议，我们大家，不论以个人身份还是以公职人员的身份，为了有更多的安全，我们最好服从并遵守现在还没有废除的一切法令，而不要轻易相信可以指之为不合宪法，便可以逃脱罪责，而对它们公然违反。

自从第一任总统根据国家宪法宣誓就职以来，七十二年已经过去了。在这期间，十五位十分杰出的公民相继主持过政府的行政部门。他们引导着它度过了许多艰难险阻;一般都获得极大的成功。然而，尽管有这么多可供参考的先例，我现在将在宪法所规定的短短四年任期中来担任这同一任务，却。面临着巨大的非同一般的困难。在此以前，分裂联邦只是受到了威胁，而现在却是已出现力图分裂它的可怕行动了。

从一般法律和我们的宪法来仔细考虑，我坚信，我们各州组成的联邦是永久性的。在一切国民政府的根本大法中永久性这一点，虽不一定写明，却是不言而喻的。我们完全可以肯定说，没有一个名副其实的政府会在自己的根本法中定出一条，规定自己完结的期限。继续执行我国宪法所明文规定的各项条文，联邦便将永远存在下去——除了采取并未见之于宪法的行动，谁也不可能毁灭掉联邦。

还有，就算合众国并不是个名副其实的政府，而只是依靠契约成立的一个各州的联合体，那既有契约的约束，若非参加这一契约的各方一致同意，我们能说取消就把它取消吗?参加订立契约的一方可以违约，或者说毁约;但如果合法地取消这一契约，岂能不需要大家一致同意吗?

从这些总原则出发，我们发现，从法学观点来看，联邦具有永久性质的提法，是为联邦自身的历史所证实的。联邦本身比宪法更为早得多。事实上，它是由1774年，签订的<联合条款>建立的。到1776年的<独立宣言>才使它进一步成熟和延续下来。然后，通过1778年的“邦联条款”使它更臻成熟，当时参加的十三个州便已明确保证要使邦联永久存在下去。最后，到1787年制订的宪法公开宣布的目的之一，便是“组建一个更为完美的联邦”。

但是，如果任何一个州，或几个州也可以合法地把联邦给取消掉，加这个联邦可是比它在宪法制订以前还更不完美了，因为它已失去了它的一个至关重要因素——永久性。

从这些观点我们可以认定，任何一个州，都不可能仅凭自己动议，便能合法地退出联邦——而任何以此为目的的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的;至于任何一州或几州的反对合众国当

局的暴力行为，都可以依据具体情况视为叛乱或革命行为。

因此我认为，从宪法和法律的角度来看，联邦是不容分裂的;我也将竭尽全力，按照宪法明确赋于我的责任，坚决负责让联邦的一切法令在所有各州得以贯彻执行。这样做，我认为只是履行我应负的简单职责;只要是可行的，我就一定要履行它，除非我的合法的主人美国人民，收回赋予我的不可缺少的工具，或行使他们的权威，命令我采取相反的行动。我相信我这话决不会被看成是一种恫吓，而只会被看作实现联邦已公开宣布的目的，它必将按照宪法保卫和维持它自己的存在。

要做到这一点并不需要流血或使用暴力，除非有人把它强。加于国家当局，否则便决不会发生那种情况。赋予我的权力将被用来保持、占有和掌管属于政府的一切财产和土地。征收各种税款和关税;但除开为了这些目的确有必要这外，决不会有什么入侵问题——决不会在任何地方对人民，或在人民之间使用武力。任何内地，即使对联邦政府的敌对情绪已十分严重和普遍，以致妨害有能力的当地公民执行联邦职务的时候，政府也决不会强制派进令人厌恶的外来人去担任这些职务。尽管按严格的法律规定，政府有权强制履行这些职责，但一定要那样做，必然非常使人不愉快，也几乎不切实际，所以我认为最好还是暂时先把这些职责放一放。

邮政，除非遭到拒收，仍将在联邦全境运作。在可能的情况下，一定要让各地人民，都享有完善的安全感，这十分有利于冷静思索和反思。我在这里所讲的这些方针必将奉行，除非当前事态和实际经验表明修改或改变方针是合适的。对任何一个事件和紧急问题，我一定会根据当时出现的具体形势谨慎从事，期望以和平手段解决国内纠纷，力图恢复兄弟爱手足情。

至于说某些地方总有些人不顾一切一心想破坏联邦，并不惜以任何借口图谋不轨，我不打算肯定或否定;如果确有这样一些人，我不必要再对他们讲什么。但对那些真正热爱联邦的人，我不可以讲几句吗?

在我们着手研究如此严重的一件事情之前，那就是要把我们的国家组织连同它的一切利益，一切记忆和一切希望全给消灭掉，难道明智的做法不是先仔细研究一下那样做究竟是为了什么?当事实上极有可能你企图逃避的祸害并不存在的时候，你还会不顾一切采取那种贻害无穷的步骤吗?或者你要逃避的灾祸虽确实存在，而在你逃往的地方却有更大的灾祸在等着你;那你会往那里逃吗?你会冒险犯下如此可怕的一个错误吗?

大家都说，如果宪法中所规定的一切权利都确实得到执行，那他也就会留在联邦里。那么，真有什么如宪法申明文规定的权利被否定了吗?我想没有。很幸运，人的头脑是这样构造出来的，没有一个党敢于如此冒天下之大不韪。如果可能，请你们讲出哪怕是一个例子来，说明有什么宪法中明文规定的条款是没有得到执行的。如果多数派完全靠人数上的优势，剥夺掉少数派宪法上明文规定的权利，这件事从道义的角度来看，也许可以说革命是正当的——如果被剥夺的是极为重要的权利，那革命就肯定无疑是合理行动。但我们的情况却并非如此。少数派和个人的一切重要权利，在宪法中，通过肯定和否定、保证和禁令;都一一向他们作了明确保证，以致关于这类问题，从来也没有引起过争论。但是，在制订基本法时却不可能对实际工作中出现的任何问题，都一一写下可以立即加以应用的条文。再高明的预见也不可能料定未来的一切，任何长度适当的文件也不可能包容下针对一切可能发生的问题的条文。逃避劳役的人到底应该由联邦政府交还还是由州政府交还呢?宪法上没有具体规定。国会可以在准州禁止奴隶制吗?宪法没有具体规定。国会必须保护准州的奴隶制吗?宪法也没有具体规定。

从这类问题中引出了我们对宪法问题的争端，并因这类问题使我们分成了多数派和少数派。如果少数派不肯默认，多数派便必须默认，否则政府便只好停止工作了。再没有任何别的路可走;要让政府继续行使职权，便必须要这一方或那一方默认。在这种情况下，如果一个少数派宁可脱离也决不默认，那他们也就开创将来必会使他们分裂和毁灭的先例;因为，当多数派拒绝接受这样一个少数派的控制的时候，他们中的少数派便必会从他们之中再脱离出去。比如说，一个新的联盟的任何一部分，在一两年之后，为什么就不会像现在的联邦中的一些部分坚决要脱离出去一样，执意要从从那个新联盟中脱离出去。所有怀着分裂联邦思想的人现在都正接受着分裂思想的教育。难道要组成一个新联邦的州，它们的利益竟会是那样完全一致，它们只会有和谐，而不会再出现脱离行动吗?

非常清楚，脱离的中心思想实质就是无政府主义。一个受着宪法的检查和限制的约束，总是随着大众意见和情绪的慎重变化而及时改变的多数派，是自由人民的唯一真正的统治者。谁要想排斥他们，便必然走向无政府主义或专制主义。完全一致是根本不可能的;把少数派的统治作为一种长期安排是完全不能接受的，所以，一旦排斥了多数原则，剩下的便只有某种形式的无政府主义或某专制主义了。

我没有忘记某些人的说法，认为宪法问题应该由最高法院来裁决。我也不否认这种裁决，在任何情况下，对诉讼各万，以及诉讼目的，完全具有约束力，而且在类似的情况中，—应受到政府的一切其它部门高度的尊重和重视。尽管非常明显，这类裁决在某一特定案例中都很可能会是错误的，然而，这样随之而来的恶果总只限于该特定案件，同时裁决还有机会被驳回，不致成为以后判案的先例，那这种过失比起其它的过失来当然更让人容易忍受。同时，正直的公民必须承认，如果政府在有关全体人民利害的重大问题的政策，都得由最高法院的裁决，作出决定那一旦对个人之间的一般诉讼作出裁决时，人民便已不再是自己的主人，而达到了将他们的政府交给那个高于一切的法庭的地步了。我这样说，决无意对法院或法官表示不满。一件案子按正常程序送到他们面前，对它作出正当裁决，是他们的不可推卸的责任;如果别的人硬要把他们的判决用来达到政治目的，那并不是他们的过错。

我国有一部分人相信奴隶制是正确的。应该扩展，而另一部分人又相信它是错误的，不应该扩展。这是唯一的实质性的争执，宪法中有关逃亡奴隶的条款，以及制止对外奴隶贸易的法

律，在一个人民的道德观念并不支持该法的，社会里，它们的执行情况也许不次于任何一项法律所能达到的程度。在两种情况下，绝大多数的人都遵守枯燥乏味的法律义务，但又都有少数人不听那一套。关于这一点，我想，要彻底解决是根本不可能的;如果寸巴两个地区分离。以后，情况只会更坏。对外奴隶贸易现在并未能完全加以禁止，最后在一个地区中必将全面恢复;对于逃亡奴隶，在另一个地区，现在送回的只是一部分，将来会完全不肯交出来了。

就自然条件而言，我们是不能分离的。我们决不能把我们的各个地区相互搬开，也不可能在它们之间修建起一道无法逾越的高墙。一对夫妻可以离婚，各走各的路，彼此再不见面。但我们国家的各部分可无法这么办。它们只能面对面相处，友好也罢。仇视也罢，他们仍必须彼此交往。我们维道能有任何办法使得这种交往在分离之后，比分离:之前更为有利，更为令，人满意吗?难道在外人之间订立条约，比在朋友之间制订法律还更为容易吗?难道在外人之间履行条约，比在朋友之间按法律办事还更忠实吗?就算你们决定。诉诸战争，你们，总不能永远打下去吧;最后当两败俱伤而双方都一无所获时，你们停止战斗，那时依照什么条件相互交往，这同一个老问题仍会照样摆在你们面前了。

这个国家，连同它的各种机构，都属于居住在这里的人民。任何时候，他们对现存政府感到厌倦了，他们可以行使他们的宪法权利，改革这个政府，或者行使他们的革命权利解散它或者推翻它。我当然知道，现在就有许多尊贵的、爱国的公民极于想修订我们的宪法。尽管我自己不会那么建议，我却也完全承认他们在这个问题上的合法权利，承认他们可以按照宪法所规定的两种方式中的任何一种来行使这种权利;而且，在目前情况下，我不但不反对，而倒是赞成给人民一个公正的机会让他们去行动。

我还不禁要补充一点，在我看来，采取举行会议的方式似乎更好一些，这样可以使修订方案完全由人民自己提出，而不是只让他们去接受或拒绝一些并非特别为此目的而选出的一些人提出的方案，因为也可能那些方案恰恰并不是他们愿意接受或拒绝的。我了解到现在已有人提出一项宪法修正案——这修正案我并没有看到，但在国会中已经通过了，大意说，联邦政府将永远不再干涉各州内部制度，包括那些应服劳役者的问题。为了使我讲的话不致被误解，我现在改变我不谈具体修正案的原来的打算，明确声明，这样一个条款，既然现在可能列入宪法，我不反对使它成为明确而不可改动的条文。

合众国总统的一切权威都来之于人民，人民并没有授于他规定条件让各州脱离出去的权力。人民自己如果要那样干，那自然也是可以的;可是现在的行政当局不能这样做。他的职责，是按照他接任时的样子管理这个政府，然后，毫无损伤地再移交给他的继任者。

我们为什么不能耐心地坚决相信人民的最终的公道呢?难道在整个世界上还有什么更好的，或与之相等的希望吗?在我们今天的分歧中，难道双方不都是认为自己正确吗?如果万国的全能统治者，以他的永恒的真理和公正，站在你们北方一边，或你们南方一边，那么，依照美国人民这一伟大法官的判决，真理和公正必将胜利。

按照目前我们生活其下的现政府的构架，我国人民十分明智;授于他们的公仆的胡作非为的权力是微乎其微的;而且同样还十分明智地规定，即使那点微乎其微的权力，经过很短一段时间后，就必须收回到他们自己手中。

由于人民保持他们的纯正和警惕，任何行政当局，在短短的四年之中，也不可能用极其恶劣或愚蠢的行为对这个政府造成严重的损害。

我的同胞们，请大家对这整个问题平心静气地好好想一想，真正有价值的东西是不会因从容从事而丧失的。如果有个什么目标使你迫不及待地要取得它，你采取的步骤是在审慎考虑的

情况下不会采取的，那个目标的确可能会由于你的从容不迫而达不到;但一个真正好的自标是不会因为从容从事而失去的。你们中现在感到不满的人，仍然必须遵守原封未动的老宪法，新个敏感的问题上，仍然有根据宪法制订的法律;而对此二者，新政府即使想要加以改变，它自身也立即无此权力。即使承认你们那些心怀不满的人在这一争执中站在正确的一边，那也丝毫没有正当的理由要采取贸然行动。明智、爱国主义、基督教精神，以及对从未抛弃过这片得天独厚的土地的上帝的依赖，仍然完全能够以最理想的方式来解决我们当前的一切困难。

决定内战这个重大问题的是你们，我的心怀不满的同胞们，而并非决定于我。政府决不会攻击你们。只要你们自己不当侵略者，就不会发生冲突。你们并没有对天发誓必须毁灭这个政

府，而我却曾无比庄严地宣誓，一定要“保持、保护和保卫”这个政府。

我真不想就此结束我的讲话，我们不是敌人，而是朋友。我们决不能成为敌人。尽管目前的情绪有些紧张，但决不能容许它使我们之间的亲密情感纽带破裂。回忆的神秘琴弦，在整个这片辽阔的土地上，从每一个战场，每一个爱国志士的坟墓，延伸到每一颗跳动的心和每一个家庭，它有一天会被我们的良知所触动，再次奏出联邦合唱曲。

 

林肯第二次就职演说 (1865年3月4日)

abraham lincoln's second inaugural address fellow-countrymen:

at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office， there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first。 then a statement， somewhat in detail， of a course to be pursued， seemed fitting and proper。 now， at the expiration of four years， during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention， and engrosses the enerergies of the nation， little that is new could be presented。 the progress of our arms， upon which all else chiefly depends， is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is， i trust， reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all。 with high hope for the future， no prediction in regard to it is ventured。

on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago， all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war。 all dreaded it—all sought to avert it。 while the inaugeral address was being delivered from this place， devoted altogether to saving the union without war， insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissole the union，and divide effects， by negotiation。 both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish。 and the war came。

one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves， not distributed generally over the union， but localized in the southern part of it。 these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest。 all knew that this interest was， somehow， the cause of the war。 to strengthen， perpetuate， and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union， even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it。 neither party expected for the war， the magnitude， or the duration， which it has already attained。 neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with， or even before， the conflict itself should cease。 each looked for an easier triumph， and a result less fundamental and astounding。 both read the same bible， and pray to the same god; and each invokes his aid against the other。 it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just god's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged。 the prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully。 the almighty has his own purposes。 "woe unto the world because of offences! for it must needs be that offences e; but woe to that man by whom the offence eth!" if we shall suppose that american slavery is one of those offences which， in the providence of god， must needs e， but which， having continued through his appointed time， he now wills to remove， and that he gives to both north and south， this terrible war， as the woe due to those by whom the offence came， shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope—fervently do we pray—that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away。 yet， if god wills that it continue， until all the wealth piled by the bond-man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk， and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash， shall be paid by another drawn with the sword， as was said three thousand years ago， so still it must be said "the judgments of the lord， are true and righteous altogether"

with malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right， as god gives us to see the right， let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle， and for his widow， and his orphan—to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace， among ourselves， and with all nations。

译文:

各位同胞:

在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候，对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明，似乎是适当的。现在四年任期已满，在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中--这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国家大部分力量--都经常发布文告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展，是一切其它问题的关键所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的情况，可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望，那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。

四年前在与此同一场合里，所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它，想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说，竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦，然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦--他们力图瓦解联邦，并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存，另一方则宁可接受这场战争，而不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。

我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们并非遍布整个联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益，反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦，而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初，任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到目前那么大的范围，持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利，都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷于同一个上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方，人们竟敢求助于上帝，来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包，这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家，免得别人判断我们。

我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿，而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难，因为罪恶总是要来的;然而那个作恶的人，要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一，而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免，但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间，他现在便要消除这些罪恶;假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上，作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚，难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着，我们热忱地祈祷着，希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是，假使上帝要让战争再继续下去，直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有，并像三千年前所说的那样，等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血，被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消，那么我们仍然只能说，「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。

我们对任何人都不怀恶意，我们对任何人都抱好感，上帝让我们看到正确的事，我们就坚定地信那正确的事，让我们继续奋斗，以完成我们正在进行的工作，去治疗国家的创伤，去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀，尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。

奥巴马经典演讲稿
林肯的演讲稿forthepepper 第二篇

奥巴马经典演讲稿

[篇一]:竞选

this is a defining moment in our history。 we face the worst economic crisis since the great depression -- 760，000 workers have lost their jobs this year。 businesses and families can't get credit。 home values are falling， and pensions are disappearing。奥巴马经典演讲稿。 wages are lower than they've been in a decade， at a time when the costs of health care and college have never been higher。 

at a moment like this， we can't afford four more years of spending increases， poorly designed tax cuts， or the plete lack of regulatory oversight that even former federal reserve chairman alan greenspan now believes was a mistake。 america needs a new direction。 that's why i'm running for president of the united states。 tomorrow， you can give this country the change we need。 

my opponent， senator mccain， has served his country honorably。 he can even point to a few moments in the past where he has broken from his party。奥巴马经典演讲稿。 but over the past eight years， he's voted with president bush 90% of the time。 and when it es to the economy， he still can't tell the american people one major thing he'd do differently from george bush。 

it's not change to e up with a tax plan that doesn't give a penny of relief to more than 100 million middle-class americans -- a plan that even the national review and other conservative organizations plain does far too little to benefit the middle class。 it's not change to add more than $5 trillion to the deficits we've run up in recent years。 it's not change to e up with a plan to address our housing crisis that puts another $300 billion of taxpayer money at risk -- a plan that the editorial board of this newspaper said 'raises more questions than it answers。' 

if there's one thing we've learned from this economic crisis， it's that we are all in this together。 from ceos to shareholders， from financiers to factory workers， we all have a stake in each other's success because the more americans prosper，the more america prospers。 

that's why we've had titans of industry who've made it their mission to pay well enough that their employees could afford the products they made -- businessmen like warren buffett， whose support i'm proud to have。 that's why our economy hasn't just been the world's greatest wealth creator -- it's been the world's greatest job generator。 it's been the tide that has lifted the boats of the largest middle class in history。 to rebuild that middle class， i'll give a tax break to 95% of workers and their families。 if you work， pay taxes， and make less than $200，000， you'll get a tax cut。 if you make more than $250，000， you'll still pay taxes at a lower rate than in the 1990s -- and capital gains and dividend taxes one-third lower than they were under president reagan。 

we'll create two million new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling infrastructure and laying broadband lines that reach every corner of the country。 i'll invest $15 billion a year over the next decade in renewable energy， creating five million new， green jobs that pay well， can't be outsourced， and can help end our dependence on middle east oil。 when it es to health care， we don't have to choose between a government-run system and the unaffordable one we have now。 my opponent's plan would make you pay taxes on your health-care benefits for the first time in history。 my plan will make health care affordable and accessible for every american。 if you already have health insurance， the only change you'll see under my plan is lower premiums。 if you don't， you'll be able to get the same kind of plan that members of congress get for themselves。 

to give every child a world-class education so they can pete in this global economy for the jobs of the 21st century， i'll invest in early childhood education and recruit an army of new teachers。 but i'll also demand higher standards and more accountability。 and we'll make a deal with every young american: if you mit to serving your munity or your country， we will make sure you can afford your tuition。 

and when it es to keeping this country safe， i'll end the iraq war responsibly so we stop spending $10 billion a month in iraq while it sits on a huge surplus。 for the sake of our economy， our military and the long-term stability of iraq， it's time for the iraqis to step up。 i'll finally finish the fight against bin laden and the al qaeda terrorists who attacked us on 9/11， build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century， and restore our moral standing so that america remains the last， best hope of earth。

none of this will be easy。 it won't happen overnight。 but i believe we can do this because i believe in america。 this is the country that allowed our parents and grandparents to believe that even if they couldn't go to college， they could save a little bit each week so their child could; that even if they couldn't have their own business， they could work hard enough so their child could open one of their own。 and at every moment in our history， we've risen to meet our challenges because we've never forgotten the fundamental truth that in america， our destiny is not written for us， but by us。 so tomorrow， i ask you to write our nation's next great chapter。 i ask you to believe -- not just in my ability to bring about change， but in yours。 tomorrow， you can choose policies that invest in our middle class， create new jobs， and grow this economy so that everyone has a chance to succeed。 you can choose hope over fear， unity over division， the promise of change over the power of the status quo。 if you give me your vote， we won't just win this election -- together， we will change this country and change the world。 【林肯的演讲稿forthepepper】

译文:

现在是美国历史的关键时刻。我们面临着大萧条以来最为严重的一场经济危机:今年以来已经有76万人失业；企业和家庭无法获得信贷；房价不断下滑，养老金日益缩水；工资降到了十年来的最低水平，同时医疗和教育成本却涨到了有史以来的最高点。 

在眼下这样的危急时刻，我们承受不起又一个四年的支出增长、千疮百孔的减税措施、或是监管全无──即使是美国联邦储备委员会(fed)前主席格林斯潘(alan greenspan)现在也承认那是个错误。美国需要一个新的方向。这也正是我竞选美国总统的原因所在。 

明天，也就是周二，你们将有能力赋予这个国家我们所需要的变革。 

corbis我的竞选对手麦凯恩参议员为美国作出的贡献令人尊敬。他甚至可以指出他过去曾有几次与自己的党派分道扬镳。然而，在过去八年中，他十之八九都赞同布什总统的主张。而在经济问题上，他仍然无法向美国民众说明，他与布什的做法会有什么太大区别。 

如果提出的税收计划没有让1亿多美国中产阶级获得一分钱的税项减免，这不是变革──即使是<国家评论>(national review)杂志和其他保守派组织也抱怨说，这个计划对造福中产阶级贡献寥寥。在近年来不断累积的财政赤字上再添5万亿美元，这不是变革。如果解决房市危机的计划又将另外3，000亿美元纳税人的钱置于风险之中，这不是变革──<华尔街日报>编辑委员会称这一计划“产生的问题比解决的问题多”。 

如果说我们从此次经济危机中学到了什么的话，那就是我们要患难与共。从首席执行长到公司股东，从金融家到工厂工人，我们每个人都休戚相关，因为美国的民众越富足，美国才会越繁荣。 

这就是为什么我们有些企业巨头把提高员工薪酬作为自己的一项使命，让员工能买得起自己生产的产品，比如巴菲特(warren buffett)这样的商界人士。我对能有他的支持感到自豪。这就是为什么美国经济不仅是世界上最伟大的财富创造者，也是世界上最伟大的就业机会制造者。它一直托举着有史以来规模最大的中产阶级之舟。 

为了重塑美国中产阶级，我将给予95%的工人及其家庭税收减免待遇。如果你工作，就交税；如果年收入不足20万美元，你会获得减税；即使你的年收入超过了25万美元，你所负担的税率也比上世纪九十年代要低──资本利得税和股息税要比里根总统时期低三分之一。 

通过重建日益破败的基础设施、在美国的各个角落接通宽带，我们将创造200万个就业岗位。未来的十年中，我将每年在可再生能源领域投资150亿美元，进而新增500万个岗位；这些工作环保、薪酬丰厚、不能外包，而且能帮助我们摆脱对中东石油的依赖。 

在医疗问题上，我们不必在政府运营的体系和目前这种我们难以负担的体系之间进行选择。我的竞选对手提出的方案会令美国人有史以来首次为自己获得的医疗福利纳税。我的计划则会让医疗保健成为每个美国人都负担得起、享受得到的服务。根据我的计划，如果你已经有了医疗保险，你将看到的唯一一个变化是保费降低；如果你还没有医疗保险，你将能与国会议员们享受到同样的医疗福利。 

为了让每个孩子享受到世界级的教育，让他们能在全球经济中竞争21世纪的工作岗位，我将投资早期教育，并且增加师资力量。不过，我同时也会要求更高的标准和更多的责任。我们向每个美国年轻人作出承诺:如果你致力于服务你的社区或是你的国家，我们将确保你能负担得起自己的学费。 

在国防安全问题上，我将负责任地结束伊拉克战争，这样我们就不必在这个国家享有巨额财政盈余的情况下每月却要在那里花费100亿美元。为了美国的经济、美国的军队和伊拉克的长期稳定，现在是伊拉克人站出来的时候了。我将最终完成对本·拉登(bin laden)和基地组织恐怖分子的打击，正是这些人制造了9/11恐怖袭击，同时我还会建立新的合作关系、击退21世纪出现的威胁，恢复我们的道德威望，让美国仍然是地球上最后也是最好的希望。 

这些事情没有一件是轻而易举能办到的，也不是一朝一夕能完成的。但是，我坚信我们能成功，因为我对美国深信不疑。是美国使我们的父辈相信，即使他们自己无法上大学，也可以每周积攒下一些钱来，让他们的孩子接受好的教育；即使他们不能拥有自己的企业，也可以通过努力工作让自己的孩子创办企业。在美国历史的每个时刻，我们都勇敢地站起来面对挑战，因为我们从来没有忘记过这样一个基本真理:在美国，我们的命运并非天定，而是掌握在我们自己的手中。 所以，明天，我恳请你们书写美国下一个伟大的篇章。我恳请你们不只相信我带来变革的能力，还有你们自己的能力。明天，你们可以选择这样一种政策──向美国中产阶级进行投入、创造新的就业岗位、实现经济增长让人人都有成功的机会。你们可以选择希望而非恐惧、选择团结而非分裂、选择变革的希望而非墨守成规。如果你们投我的票，我们将不仅赢得此次竞选，还将一起改变这个国家、改变这个世界。 

[篇二]:胜选

if there is anyone out there who still doubts that america is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy， tonight is your answer。 

it's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours， many for the very first time in their lives， because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference。 

it's the answer spoken by young and old， rich and poor， democrat and republican， black， white， latino， asian， native american， gay， straight， disabled and not disabled - americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of red states and blue states: we are， and always will be， the united states of america。 

it's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical， and fearful， and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day。 

it's been a long time ing， but tonight， because of what we did on this day， in this election， at this defining moment， change has e to america。 

i just received a very gracious call from senator mccain。 he fought long and hard in this campaign， and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves。 he has endured sacrifices for america that most of us cannot begin to imagine， and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader。 i congratulate him and governor palin for all they have achieved， and i look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead。 

i want to thank my partner in this journey， a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of scranton and rode with on that train home to delaware， the vice president-elect of the united states， joe biden。 

i would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last sixteen years， the rock of our family and the love of my life， our nation's next first lady， michelle obama。 sasha and malia， i love you both so much， and you have earned the new puppy that's ing with us to the white house。 and while she's no longer with us， i know my grandmother is watching， along with the family that made me who i am。 i miss them tonight， and know that my debt to them is beyond measure。

to my campaign manager david plouffe， my chief strategist david axelrod， and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics - you made this happen， and i am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done。 

but above all， i will never forget who this victory truly belongs to - it belongs to you。 

i was never the likeliest candidate for this office。 we didn't start with much money or many endorsements。 our campaign was not hatched in the halls of washington - it began in the backyards of des moines and the living rooms of concord and the front porches of charleston。 

it was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause。 it grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of americans who volunteered， and organized， and proved that more than two centuries later， a government of the people， by the people and for the people has not perished from this earth。 this is your victory。 

i know you didn't do this just to win an election and i know you didn't do it for me。 you did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead。 for even as we celebrate tonight， we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime - two wars， a pla in peril， the worst financial crisis in a century。 even as we stand here tonight， we know there are brave americans waking up in the deserts of iraq and the mountains of afghanistan to risk their lives for us。 there are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage， or pay their doctor's bills， or save enough for college。 there is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair。 

the road ahead will be long。 our climb will be steep。 we may not get there in one year or even one term， but america - i have never been more hopeful than i am tonight that we will get there。 i promise you - we as a people will get there。 

there will be setbacks and false starts。 there are many who won't agree with every decision or policy i make as president， and we know that government can't solve every problem。 but i will always be honest with you about the challenges we face。 i will listen to you， especially when we disagree。 and above all， i will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been done in america for two-hundred and twenty-one years - block by block， brick by brick， calloused hand by calloused hand。 

what began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night。 this victory alone is not the change we seek - it is only the chance for us to make that change。 and that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were。 it cannot happen without you。 

so let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves， but each other。 let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything， it's that we cannot have a thriving wall street while main street suffers - in this country， we rise or fall as one nation; as one people。 

let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long。 let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the republican party to the white house - a party founded on the values of self-reliance， individual liberty， and national unity。 those are values we all share， and while the democratic party has won a great victory tonight， we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress。 as lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours， "we are not enemies， but friends。。。though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection。" and to those americans whose support i have yet to earn - i may not have won your vote， but i hear your voices， i need your help， and i will be your president too。 

and to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores， from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world - our stories are singular， but our destiny is shared， and a new dawn of american leadership is at hand。 to those who would tear this world down - we will defeat you。 to those who seek peace and security - we support you。 and to all those who have wondered if america's beacon still burns as bright - tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation es not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth， but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy， liberty， opportunity， and unyielding hope。 

for that is the true genius of america - that america can change。 our union can be perfected。 and what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow。 

this election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations。 but one that's on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in atlanta。 she's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing - ann nixon cooper is 106 years old。 

she was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons - because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin。 

and tonight， i think about all that she's seen throughout her century in america - the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't， and the people who pressed on with that american creed: yes we can。 

at a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed， she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot。 yes we can。 

when there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land， she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a new deal， new jobs and a new sense of mon purpose。 yes we can。 

when the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world， she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved。 yes we can。 

she was there for the buses in montgomery， the hoses in birmingham， a bridge in selma， and a preacher from atlanta who told a people that "we shall overe。" yes we can。 

a man touched down on the moon， a wall came down in berlin， a world was connected by our own science and imagination。 and this year， in this election， she touched her finger to a screen， and cast her vote， because after 106 years in america， through the best of times and the darkest of hours， she knows how america can change。 yes we can。 

america， we have e so far。 we have seen so much。 but there is so much more to do。 so tonight， let us ask ourselves - if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as ann nixon cooper， what change will they see? what progress will we have made? 

this is our chance to answer that call。 this is our moment。 this is our time - to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the american dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth - that out of many， we are one; that while we breathe， we hope， and where we are met with cynicism， and doubt， and those who tell us that we can't， we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: 

yes we can。 thank you， god bless you， and may god bless the united states of america。

译文:

如果还有人对美国是否凡事都有可能存疑，还有人怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们所处的时代是否依然鲜活，还有人质疑我们的民主制度的力量，那么今晚，这些问题都有了答案。

这是设在学校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未见的长队给出的答案；是等了三四个小时的选民所给出的答案，其中许多人都是有生以来第一次投票，因为他们认定这一次肯定会不一样，认为自己的声音会是这次大选有别于以往之所在。

这是所有美国人民共同给出的答案--无论老少贫富，无论是民主党还是共和党，无论是黑人、白人、拉美裔、亚裔、原住民，是同性恋者还是异性恋者、残疾人还是健全人--我们从来不是“红州”和“蓝州”的对立阵营，我们是美利坚合众国这个整体，永远都是。

长久以来，很多人一再受到告诫，要对我们所能取得的成绩极尽讽刺、担忧和怀疑之能事，但这个答案让这些人伸出手来把握历史，再次让它朝向美好明天的希望延伸。

已经过去了这么长时间，但今晚，由于我们在今天、在这场大选中、在这个具有决定性的时刻所做的，美国已经迎来了变革。

我刚刚接到了麦凯恩参议员极具风度的致电。他在这场大选中经过了长时间的努力奋斗，而他为自己所深爱的这个国家奋斗的时间更长、过程更艰辛。他为美国做出了我们大多数人难以想像的牺牲，我们的生活也因这位勇敢无私的领袖所做出的贡献而变得更美好。我向他和佩林州长所取得的成绩表示祝贺，我也期待着与他们一起在未来的岁月中为复兴这个国家的希望而共同努力。

我要感谢我在这次旅程中的伙伴--已当选美国副总统的拜登。他全心参与竞选活动，为普通民众代言，他们是他在斯克兰顿从小到大的伙伴，也是在他回特拉华的火车上遇到的男男女女。

如果没有一个人的坚决支持，我今晚就不会站在这里，她是我过去16年来最好的朋友、是我们一家人的中坚和我一生的挚爱，更是我们国家的下一位第一夫人:米歇尔·奥巴马(michelle obama)。萨莎(sasha)和玛丽亚(malia)，我太爱你们两个了，你们已经得到了一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入驻白宫。虽然我的外祖母已经不在了，但我知道她与我的亲人肯定都在看着我，因为他们，我才能拥有今天的成就。今晚，我想念他们，我知道自己欠他们的无可计量。

我的竞选经理大卫·普劳夫(david plouffe)、首席策略师大卫·艾克斯罗德(david axelrod)以及政治史上最好的竞选团队--是你们成就了今天，我永远感激你们为实现今天的成就所做出的牺牲。

但最重要的是，我永远不会忘记这场胜利真正的归属--它属于你们。

我从来不是最有希望的候选人。一开始，我们没有太多资金，也没有得到太多人的支持。我们的竞选活动并非诞生于华盛顿的高门华第之内，而是始于得梅因、康科德、查尔斯顿这些地方的普通民众家中。

我们的竞选活动能有今天的规模，是因为辛勤工作的人们从自己的微薄积蓄中拿出钱来，捐出一笔又一笔5美元、10美元、20美元。而竞选活动的声势越来越大则是源自那些年轻人，他们拒绝接受认为他们这代人冷漠的荒诞说法；他们离开家、离开亲人，从事报酬微薄、极其辛苦的工作；同时也源自那些已经不算年轻的人们，他们冒着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门进行竞选宣传；更源自数百万的美国民众，他们自动自发地组织起来，证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。

我知道你们的所做所为并不只是为了赢得大选，我也知道你们做这一切并不是为了我。你们这样做是因为你们明白摆在面前的任务有多艰巨。因为即便我们今晚欢呼庆祝，我们也知道明天将面临我们一生之中最为艰巨的挑战--两场战争、一个面临危险的星球，还有百年来最严重的金融危机。今晚站在此地，我们知道伊拉克的沙漠里和阿富汗的群山中还有勇敢的美国子弟兵醒来，甘冒生命危险保护着我们。会有在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠的父母，担心如何偿还月供、付医药费或是存够钱送孩子上大学。我们亟待开发新能源、创造新的工作机会；我们需要修建新学校，还要应对众多威胁、修复与许多国家的关系。

前方的道路会十分漫长艰辛。我们可能无法在一年甚至一届任期之内实现上述目标，但我从未像今晚这样满怀希望，相信我们会实现。我向你们承诺--我们作为一个整体将会达成目标。

我们会遭遇挫折和不成功的开端。对于我作为总统所做的每项决定和政策，会有许多人持有异议，我们也知道政府并不能解决所有问题。但我会向你们坦陈我们所面临的挑战。我会聆听你们的意见，尤其是在我们意见相左之时。最重要的是，我会请求你们参与重建这个国家，以美国221年来从未改变的唯一方式--一砖一瓦、胼手胝足。

21个月前那个寒冬所开始的一切不应该在今天这个秋夜结束。今天的选举胜利并不是我们所寻求的改变--这只是我们实现改变的机会。而且如果我们仍然按照旧有方式行事，我们所寻求的改变不可能出现。没有你们，也不可能有这种改变。

因此，让我们发扬新的爱国精神，树立新的服务意识和责任感，让我们每个人下定决心全情投入、更加努力地工作，并彼此关爱。让我们铭记这场金融危机带来的教训:我们不可能在金融以外的领域备受煎熬的同时拥有繁荣兴旺的华尔街--在这个国家，我们患难与共。

让我们抵制重走老路的诱惑，避免重新回到长期荼毒美国政治的党派纷争和由此引发的遗憾和不成熟表现。让我们牢记，正是伊利诺伊州的一名男子首次将共和党的大旗扛到了白宫。共和党是建立在自强自立、个人自由以及全民团结的价值观上，这也是我们所有人都珍视的价值。虽然民主党今天晚上赢得了巨大的胜利，但我们是以谦卑的态度和弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧的决心赢得这场胜利的。林肯在向远比我们眼下分歧更大的国家发表讲话时说，我们不是敌人，而是朋友……虽然激情可能褪去，但是这不会割断我们感情上的联系。对于那些现在并不支持我的美国人，我想说，或许我没有赢得你们的选票，但是我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，而且我也将是你们的总统。

那些彻夜关注美国大选的海外人士，从国会到皇宫，以及在这个世界被遗忘的角落里挤在收音机旁的人们，我们的经历虽然各有不同，但是我们的命运是相通的，新的美国领袖诞生了。那些想要颠覆这个世界的人们，我们必将击败你们。那些追求和平和安全的人们，我们支持你们。那些所有怀疑美国能否继续照亮世界发展前景的人们，今天晚上我们再次证明，我们国家真正的力量并非来自我们武器的威力或财富的规模，而是来自我们理想的持久力量:民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。

这才是美国真正的精华--美国能够改变。我们的联邦会日臻完善。我们取得的成就为我们将来能够取得的以及必须取得的成就增添了希望。

这次大选创造了多项“第一”，也诞生了很多将世代流传的故事。但是今天晚上令我难忘的却是在亚特兰大投票的一名妇女:安·尼克松·库波尔(ann nixon cooper)。她和其他数百万排队等待投票的选民没有什么差别，除了一点:她已是106岁的高龄。

她出生的那个时代奴隶制度刚刚结束；那时路上没有汽车，天上也没有飞机；当时像她这样的人由于两个原因不能投票--一是她是女性，另一个原因是她的肤色。

今天晚上，我想到了她在美国过去一百年间所经历的种种:心痛和希望；挣扎和进步；那些我们被告知我们办不到的世代，以及那些坚信美国信条──是的，我们能做到──的人们。

曾几何时，妇女没有发言权，她们的希望化作泡影，但是安·尼克松·库波尔活了下来，看到妇女们站了起来，看到她们大声发表自己的见解，看到她们去参加大选投票。是的，我们能做到。

当30年代的沙尘暴和大萧条引发人们的绝望之情时，她看到一个国家用罗斯福新政、新就业机会以及对新目标的共同追求战胜恐慌。是的，我们能做到。

当炸弹袭击了我们的海港、独裁专制威胁到全世界，她见证了美国一代人的伟大崛起，见证了一个民主国家被拯救。是的，我们能做到。

她看到蒙哥马利通了公共汽车、伯明翰接上了水管、塞尔马建了桥，一位来自亚特兰大的传教士告诉人们:我们能成功。是的，我们能做到。

人类登上月球、柏林墙倒下，世界因我们的科学和想像被连接在一起。今年，就在这次选举中，她用手指触碰屏幕投下自己的选票，因为在美国生活了106年之后，经历了最好的时光和最黑暗的时刻之后，她知道美国如何能够发生变革。是的，我们能做到。

美国，我们已经走过漫漫长路。我们已经历了很多。但是我们仍有很多事情要做。因此今夜，让我们自问--如果我们的孩子能够活到下个世纪；如果我们的女儿有幸活得和安一样长，他们将会看到怎样的改变?我们将会取得怎样的进步?

现在是我们回答这个问题的机会。这是我们的时刻。这是我们的时代--让我们的人民重新就业，为我们的后代敞开机会的大门；恢复繁荣发展，推进和平事业；让“美国梦”重新焕发光芒，再次证明这样一个基本的真理:我们是一家人；一息尚存，我们就有希望；当我们遇到嘲讽和怀疑，当有人说我们办不到的时候，我们要以这个永恒的信条来回应他们:

是的，我们能做到。感谢你们。愿上帝保佑你们，保佑美利坚合众国。

[篇三]:就职

my fellow citizens: 

i stand here today humbled by the task before us， grateful for the trust you have bestowed， mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors。 

i thank president bush for his service to our nation， as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition。 forty-four americans have now taken the presidentialoath。 the words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace。 yet， every so often， the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms。 at these moments， america has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office， but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebearers， and true to our founding documents。so it has been。 so it must be with this generation of americans。that we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood。 our nation is at war， against a far-reaching work of violence and hatred。 our economy is badly weakened， a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some， but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age。 homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered。 our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our pla。these are the indicators of crisis， subject to data and statistics。 less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land -- a nagging fear that america''s decline is inevitable， and that the next generation must lower its sights。today i say to you that the challenges we face are real。 they are serious and they are many。 they will not be met easily or in a short span of time。 but know this， america: they will be met。 

on this day， we gather because we have chosen hope over fear， unity of purpose over conflict and discord。on this day， we e to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises， the recriminations and worn-out dogmas， that for far too long have strangled our politics。we remain a young nation， but in the words of scripture， the time has e to set aside childish things。 the time has e to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift， that noble idea， passed on from generation to generation: the god-given promise that all are equal， all are free， and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness。in reaffirming the greatness of our nation， we understand that greatness is never a given。 it must be earned。 our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less。 it has not been the path for the fainthearted -- for those who prefer leisure over work， or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame。 rather， it has been the risk-takers， the doers， the makers of things -- some celebrated， but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up the long， rugged path toward prosperity and freedom。for us， they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life。for us， they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth。for us， they fought and died， in places like concord and gettysburg; normandy and khe sahn。time and again， these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life。they saw america as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction。

this is the journey we continue today。 we remain the most prosperous， powerful nation on earth。 our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began。 our minds are no less inventive， our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year。 our capacity remains undiminished。 but our time of standing pat， of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed。 starting today， we must pick ourselves up， dust ourselves off， and begin again the work of remaking america。for everywhere we look， there is work to be done。 the state of the economy calls for action， bold and swift， and we will act -- not only to create new jobs， but to lay a new foundation for growth。 we will build the roads and bridges， the electric grids and digital lines that feed our merce and bind us together。 we will restore science to its rightful place， and wield technology''s wonders to raise health care''s quality and lower its cost。 we will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories。 and we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age。 all this we can do。 and all this we will do。now， there are some who question the scale of our ambitions -- who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans。 their memories are short。 for they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to mon purpose， and necessity to courage。what the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them -- that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply。 the question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small， but whether it works -- whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage， care they can afford， a retirement that is dignified。 where the answer is yes， we intend to move forward。 where the answer is no， programs will end。 and those of us who manage the public''s dollars will be held to account -- to spend wisely， reform bad habits， and do our business in the light of day -- because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government。nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill。 its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched， but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye， the market can spin out of control -- and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous。 the success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product， but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity， but because it is the surest route to our mon good。

as for our mon defense， we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals。 our founding fathers， faced with perils we can scarcely imagine， drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man， a charter expanded by the blood of generations。 those ideals still light the world， and we will not give them up for expedience''s sake。 and so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today， from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that america is a friend of each nation and every man， woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity， and that we are ready to lead once more。recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and munism not just with missiles and tanks， but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions。 they understood that our power alone cannot protect us， nor does it entitle us to do as we please。 instead， they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause， the force of our example， the tempering qualities of humility and restraint。we are the keepers of this legacy。 guided by these principles once more， we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort -- even greater cooperation and understanding between nations。 we will begin to responsibly leave iraq to its people， and forge a hard-earned peace in afghanistan。 with old friends and former foes， we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat， and roll back the specter of a warming pla。 we will not apologize for our way of life， nor will we waver in its defense， and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents， we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us， and we will defeat you。for we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength， not a weakness。 we are a nation of christians and muslims， jews and hindus -- and nonbelievers。 we are shaped by every language and culture， drawn from every end of this earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation， and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united， we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller， our mon humanity shall reveal itself; and that america must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace。

to the muslim world， we seek a new way forward， based on mutual interest and mutual respect。 to those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict， or blame their society''s ills on the west: know that your people will judge you on what you can build， not what you destroy。 to those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent， know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist。to the people of poor nations， we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds。 and to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty， we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world''s resources without regard to effect。 for the world has changed， and we must change with it。as we consider the road that unfolds before us， we remember with humble gratitude those brave americans who， at this very hour， patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains。 they have something to tell us today， just as the fallen heroes who lie in arlington whisper through the ages。 we honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty， but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves。 and yet， at this moment -- a moment that will define a generation -- it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all。for as much as government can do and must do， it is ultimately the faith and determination of the american people upon which this nation relies。 it is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break， the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours。 it is the firefighter''s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke， but also a parent''s willingness to nurture a child， that finally decides our fate。our challenges may be new。 the instruments with which we meet them may be new。 but those values upon which our success depends -- hard work and honesty， courage and fair play， tolerance and curiosity， loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old。 these things are true。 they have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history。 what is demanded then is a return to these truths。 what is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition， on the part of every american， that we have duties to ourselves， our nation and the world; duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly， firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit， so defining of our character， than giving our all to a difficult task。

this is the price and the promise of citizenship。this is the source of our confidence -- the knowledge that god calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny。this is the meaning of our liberty and our creed -- why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall， and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath。so let us mark this day with remembrance， of who we are and how far we have traveled。 in the year of america''s birth， in the coldest of months， a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river。 the capital was abandoned。 the enemy was advancing。 the snow was stained with blood。 at a moment when the oute of our revolution was most in doubt， the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:"let it be told to the future world 。。。 that in the depth of winter， when nothing but hope and virtue could survive。。。 that the city and the country， alarmed at one mon danger， came forth to meet ［it］。"america。 in the face of our mon dangers， in this winter of our hardship， let us remember these timeless words。 with hope and virtue， let us brave once more the icy currents， and endure what storms may e。 let it be said by our children''s children that when we were tested， we refused to let this journey end， that we did not turn back， nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and god''s grace upon us， we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations。 

译文:

我的同胞们:

我今天站在这里，以谦卑的心情面对着在我面前的使命，对于你们赋予我的信任心存感激，也不敢遗忘开国先贤们所作的牺牲。我感谢布什总统为我们国家所作的服务、以及在政权交接过程中他所展示的大度及合作。

到现在已经有44位美国人进行了总统就职宣誓。这些言辞在繁荣兴旺时以及和平时期作出。但是，也有一些时期，这些誓言是在阴云密布和暴风雨来袭时作出。在这些时期里，美国继续向前行，不单单是身为总统者的睿智和远见，也是因为我们身为人民者仍然忠于开国先贤们的理想、以及忠实执行开国时的文件宣言。

所以，世代一直是如此的。所以我们这一代的美国人也必须如此。

我们现在非常了解我们正处于危机之中。我们的国家正在作战状态，对抗一个暴力和仇恨的广大网络。我们的经济大大受到削弱，这不仅是一些人贪婪和不负责任的后果，也是我们在做出艰难抉择，为国家进入新时代进行准备方面的共同失误所使然。房屋失去了；工作机会流失了；商业陷入凋敝的困境。我们的医疗费用过于昂贵；我们有太多的学校令人失望；每天都有更多的证据显示，我们使用能源的方式只能令我们的对手变强，同时威胁到我们的星球。

这些就是危机的信号，数据和统计结果都显示出来。数字不容易显示出来的、但是却不容忽视的是，我们全国各地有些信心正在消蚀，担心的是美国的衰落不可避免，担心我们的下一代不得不降低对未来的期许。

今天我要对你们说的是，我们面临的挑战是真实的。这些挑战不仅严峻，而且复杂。应对这些挑战绝非易事，更非一朝一夕之功。但是，美国，请明白这一点:这些挑战将会面对。

我们今天聚集在一起，因为我们选择了希望而不是恐惧，选择了众志成城而不是纷争不和。我们今天共同来宣布，让心胸狭窄的怨言和虚妄的诺言成为过去，结束相互指责和攻击以及令人厌倦的教条，这些已经窒息压制我们的政治太过长久。

我们仍然还是一个年青的国家，不过用圣经的话来说，抛弃幼稚东西的时间已经到了。现在，我们要彰显美国的持久精神，创造新的历史，继承和发扬代代传承的珍贵才智和崇高的理想:那就是上帝赋予我们的，人人平等，人人自由，人人都有机会寻求最大幸福。

重申我们国家伟大的同时，我们深深懂得，伟大从来不是与生具来的。它必须努力赢得；我们的道路从来没有捷径，也没有妥协。我们的道路从来不是懦夫们所走的，也不是给那些喜欢轻松，或者喜欢追逐财富和名誉的人走的。而是给那些不畏风险的人、脚踏实地的实践者、那些发明创造者。带领我们走向繁荣和自由的漫长崎岖之路的前进者之中，有些有名声的人，但是更多的是工作中默默无闻的男女大众。为了我们，他们背起简单的行囊，飘洋过海，寻求新的生活。

为了我们，他们在血汗车间和作坊中辛勤劳作，并且在美国的西部扎下根，他们忍受皮鞭的抽打，在坚硬的土地上辛勤耕作。

为了我们， 他们在康科德和盖底斯堡，在诺曼底和溪山出生入死地战斗。

为了我们能够过上好日子，我们的这些男女大众，前仆后继，英勇奋斗，不懈牺牲，直到他们的双手粗糙地磨出老茧；他们看到的美国是一个理想高于个人雄心壮志的国家，他们把美国的理想看得高于个人的生死，高于财富和派别。

这就是我们今天要继续进行的旅程。我们依然是世界上最繁荣、最强大的国家；我们劳工的创造力并没有比这场危机开始的时候低；我们的思想也没有缺乏创造性；对我们产品和服务的需求，也没有比上个星期或者上个月或者上一年减少；我们的能力依然没有减弱；但是，我们那种一成不变，保护狭隘利益，推出不受欢迎决策的时代注定已经成为过去。从今天开始， 我们将重新鼓舞，揩干净身上的灰尘，重新开始重新创造美国的任务。

放眼四周，到处是需要从事的工作，目前的经济状况需要我们迅速采取果敢的行动，我们将行动起来，不仅要创造就业机会，而且还要为今后的发展奠定基础。我们将修路架桥，架设电力网线，修建通往商务和连接民众的数据通道。我们将恢复科学应有的正确位置。利用科技奇迹提高医疗保健的质量，同时降低成本。为了能为我们的车辆和工厂提供能源，我们要进一步利用阳光，风力和土壤。我们要改造学校和大学，满足新时代的要求；我们有能力完成上述任务，我们一定能够完成上述任务。

现在，有些人对我们的雄心壮志表示怀疑，他们说，我们的体制不可能让我们实现这么多的宏伟计划。这些人的记忆实在太糟了。

因为他们忘记了这个国家过去已经取得的成就，忘记了当自由的男男女女的想象力为了共同目标而激励、而聚集在一起的时候，能够达成些什么。【林肯的演讲稿forthepepper】

这些冷嘲热讽的人不可能理解的是，他们脚下的这片土地已经发生了变化，长期以来耗尽我们精力的无聊的政治辩论已经不复存在。我们今天要问的，不是我们的政府是否太大或者太小，而是我们的政府是否起到作用，是否帮助美国家庭找到一份像样收入的工作，能够支付起医疗保险，一个有尊严的退休生活。

如果回答是肯定的，我们就应该继续执行。如果回答是否定的，那么计划将会停止，那些负责管理公共资金的人应该负起责任。我们的支出必须睿智，必须改变坏习气，运作必须光明正大。只有这样，才能恢复美国人民和政府之间至关重要的信任。

市场到底是好的还是坏的力量，这也不是我们面临的问题。市场给人们带来的财富和扩大自由的力量是无可比拟的。但是目前的金融危机提醒我们，如果缺乏监督，市场可能会失去控制。如果一个国家只追求繁荣，繁荣是不可能长久的。美国经济之所以成功并不总是因为我们国内生产总值的规模，而是因为经济繁荣已经渗透到各个领域和层次，是因为我们有能力向一切愿意接受帮助的人提供机会。我们帮助其他国家不是出于慈善，而是因为这是达到我们共同利益最可靠的途径。

至于我们的共同防御，我们认为在我们的安全和理想之间做出选择是错误的。我们的建国先贤们在面对难以想象的危险的时候，他们起草了一份确保法制和人权的宪章，一份后来用几代人的鲜血发展的宪章。他们的理念如今依然照亮着全世界，我们不应该为了权宜之计而放弃。今天，观看这场就职典礼的世界各地的所有人民和政府，无论是在大都市，还是我父亲出生的小村庄，都知道，美国是所有追求和平与尊严的国家和人民的朋友，美国已做好准备，将再次成为世界领导人。

回想前辈们通过牢固的盟友和坚定的信念，而不是导弹和坦克，来面对法西斯主义和共产主义。他们明白，仅靠我们单独的力量是不能保卫我们自己的，而且我们也无权随心所欲要做我们想做的事情。他们知道只有通过明智的使用力量，力量才会增强，只有通过我们正义的信念、自身的榜样，以及具有人道主义和自我克制的温和素质，才会有国家的安全。

我们是这些美国传统的保持人，在这些原则再一次的指引下，通过各国之间更好的合作、理解和更多的努力，我们能够面对那些新的威胁。我们将开始负责任地撤离伊拉克，把伊拉克交给她的人民，并且巩固得来不易的阿富汗和平。我们将跟老朋友和从前的对手在一起，不辞辛劳地来减少核威胁，减少全球温室效应。我们不会为我们的生活方式而道歉，也不会放弃保卫这种生活方式。那些通过恐怖主义和屠杀无辜的方式来达到目的的人，我们现在要对你们说，我们的信念比以前更加强壮，是坚不可摧的，你们不会比我们更长久，我们一定会打败你们。

因为我们知道，多元化的传统是我们强点，而不是弱点。我们是一个由基督教和穆斯林、犹太教和印度教以及无信仰者组成的国家，我们是由来自地球每个角落的各种语言和文化组成的；因为我们承受过内战和种族隔离的痛苦洗礼，走出黑暗的历程，我们更加坚强，更加团结。我们不得不相信，以前的仇恨总有一天会过去，派别分歧迟早会消失。随着世界在变小，我们共有的人道主义精神一定会展示出来，美国一定要率先走进新的和平纪元。

针对穆斯林世界，我们要在相互有利和相互尊重的基础上，寻找新的推动方式；针对那些企图制造冲突，或者把自己的社会问题推卸给西方的各国领导人，要知道，你们的人民会用你的建设成就，而不是摧毁能力来评判你；针对那些通过腐败、欺骗和镇压异议人士来维持权力的人，要知道你们是在错误的历史一边；不过只要你们愿意放开拳头，我们愿意向你们伸出手。

针对那些贫穷国家，我们保证和你们一起工作，让你们的土地肥沃，让清水长流；我们会滋养饥饿的身躯，灌输饥渴的头脑。针对那些和我们一样相对富足的国家，我们要说，对我们境外的痛苦，我们再不能无动于衷了，在消耗世界资源的同时，我们不能不考虑后果。因为世界已经改变了，我们也一定要随之改变。

当我们思考未来的道路，我们要带着谦卑的感恩之心，牢牢记住那些勇敢的美国人，他们现在正在遥远的沙漠和山脉执行巡逻任务。他们今天有话要告诉我们，就像安葬在阿灵顿那些逝去的英雄一直对我们低语一样。我们向他们致敬，不只是因为他们捍卫我们的自由，他们更落实了服务的精神，他们愿意寻找比自己意义更重大的事情。在这个时刻，这个将定义整个时代的时刻，正是这样的精神，必须长存在我们心中。

不论政府能够或者需要做什么，这个国家最终仰赖的还是美国人民的信仰和决心。在堤坝决堤的时候，接纳一个陌生人所展现的仁慈；因为不愿意看到朋友失业，而宁愿减少自己的工时所展现的无私，这些美德帮助我们度过最黑暗的时间。消防队员冲进满是浓烟的楼梯间所展现的勇气；父母教养孩子展现的自发性，这些最终决定了我们的命运。

我们的挑战或许是全新的。我们解决的方式也可能是全新的。但是我们的成功所仰赖的价值观却是恒古不变的，这些价值观是辛勤工作、诚实、勇气、公平、宽容和好奇。这些是真实的。在历史上，这些是推动我们前进的宁静力量。现在需要的是回归这些真理。我们现在需要的一个新的责任世纪。每一个美国人都要认清，我们对我们自己、我们的国家、世界都有义务。我们不是勉强的接受这些义务，而是欢欣的接纳。我们坚定的知道，没有什么比为艰难的任务全力付出更能满足我们的精神，更能定义我们的特质。这是公民权的代价和承诺。

这是我们自信的泉源。我们知道神召唤我们为了要塑造这个充满变动的未来。

这是我们的自由和信仰的意义，这说明了为什么不同种族和信仰的男女和幼童相聚在这个宏伟的广场上；这说明了为什么一个当他的父亲在不到60年前或许还不能在餐厅里接受服务的人，今天能够在你们面前，许下这个最神圣的誓言。 

让我们以这样的态度纪念这一天:我们记得自己是谁，我们前进了多远。在美国诞生的年代，在最寒冷的月份，一小群爱国者在冰冻的河岸上，蜷缩在将熄的营火旁。那时，首都被遗弃了。敌人正在向前推进。白雪上沾染了鲜血。当时，我们革命的结果遭受最大的怀疑，但我们的建国之父命令要对人民宣读这些文字:

"让未来的世界知道，在寒冷的冬天，这个只有希望和美德能够生存的时候，受到一个共同危机挑战的城市和国家，曾经勇敢的面对他。"

美国。面对我们共同的危机，在这个艰苦的严冬，让我们记得这些永恒的字句。带着希望和美德，我们再次勇敢的面对冰冷的激流，承受未来可能降临的风暴。让我们的下一代传颂，当我们受到考验的时候，我们拒绝结束这场旅程。我们没有回头，也没有步履蹒跚。我们的眼光定在地平线上，神的恩典顾及我们，我们带着一份伟大的礼物，也就是自由，向前进，然后将这份礼物安全的交给未来的世世代代。

谢谢大家!上帝保佑你们!上帝保佑美国! 

奥巴马获胜演讲稿
林肯的演讲稿forthepepper 第三篇

奥巴马获胜演讲稿

[范文一]

hello， chicago!

芝加哥，你好!

if there is anyone out there who still doubts that america is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy， tonight is your answer。

如果有人怀疑美国是个一切皆有可能的地方，怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们这个时代依然燃烧，怀疑我们民主的力量，那么今晚这些疑问都有了答案。

it's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours， many for the very first time in their lives， because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference。

学校和教堂门外的长龙便是答案。奥巴马获胜演讲稿。排队的人数之多，在美国历史上前所未有。为了投票，他们排队长达三、四个小时。许多人一生中第一次投票，因为他们认为这一次大选结果必须不同以往，而他们手中的一票可能决定胜负。

it's the answer spoken by young and old， rich and poor， democrat and republican，black， white， latino， asian， native american， gay， straight， disabled and not disabled — americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of red states and blue states; we are， and always will be， the united states of america。

无论年龄，无论贫富，无论民主党人或共和党人，无论黑人、白人，无论拉美裔、亚裔、印地安人， 无论同性恋、异性恋，无论残障人、健全人，所有的人，他们向全世界喊出了同一个声音:我们并不隶属 “红州”与 “蓝州”的对立阵营，我们属于美利坚合众国，现在如此，永远如此!

it's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical， and fearful， and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day。

长久以来，很多人说:我们对自己的能量应该冷漠，应该恐惧，应该怀疑。但是，历史之轮如今已在我们手中，我们又一次将历史之轮转往更美好的未来。奥巴马获胜演讲稿。

it's been a long time ing， but tonight， because of what we did on this day， in this election， at this defining moment， change has e to america。

漫漫征程，今宵终于来临。特殊的一天，特殊的一次大选，特殊的决定性时刻，美国迎来了变革。

i just received a very gracious call from sen。 mccain。 he fought long and hard in this campaign， and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves。 he has endured sacrifices for america that most of us cannot begin to imagine， and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader。 i congratulate him and gov。 palin for all they have achieved， and i look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead。

刚才，麦凯恩参议员很有风度地给我打了个电话。在这次竞选中，他的努力持久而艰巨。为了这个他挚爱的国家，他的努力更持久、更艰巨。他为美国的奉献超出绝大多数人的想象。他是一位勇敢无私的领袖，有了他的奉献，我们的生活才更美好。我对他和佩林州长的成绩表示祝贺。同时，我也期待着与他们共同努力，再续美国辉煌。

i want to thank my partner in this journey， a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of scranton and rode with on that train home to delaware， the vice-president-elect of the united states， joe biden。

我要感谢我的竞选搭档——当选副总统乔?拜登。为了与他一起在斯克兰顿市街头长大、一起坐火车返回特拉华州的人们，拜登全心全意地竟选，他代表了这些普通人的声音。

i would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years， the rock of our family and the love of my life， our nation's next first lady， michelle obama。 sasha and malia， i love you both so much， and you have earned the new puppy that's ing with us to the white house。 and while she's no longer with us， i know my grandmother is watching， along with the family that made me who i am。 i miss them tonight， and know that my debt to them is beyond measure。

我要感谢下一位第一夫人米歇尔?奥巴马。她是我家的中流砥柱，是我生命中的最爱。没有她在过去16年来的坚定支持，今晚我就不可能站在这里。我要感谢两个女儿萨沙和玛丽娅，我太爱你们两个了，你们将得到一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入住白宫。我还要感谢已去世的外婆，我知道此刻她正在天上注视着我。她与我的家人一起造就了今天的我。今夜我思念他们，他们对我的恩情比山高、比海深。

to my campaign manager， david plouffe; my chief strategist， david axelrod; and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics — you made this happen， and i am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done。

我要感谢我的竞选经理大卫?普鲁夫，感谢首席策划师大卫?阿克塞罗德以及整个竞选团队，他们是政治史上最优秀的竞选团队。你们成就了今夜，我永远感谢你们为今夜所付出的一切。

but above all， i will never forget who this victory truly belongs to — it belongs to you。

但最重要的是，我将永远不会忘记这场胜利真正属于谁---是你们!

i was never the likeliest candidate for this office。 we didn't start with much money or many endorsements。 our campaign was not hatched in the halls of washington — it began in the backyards of des moines and the living rooms of concord and the front porches of charleston。

我从来不是最有希望的候选人。起初，我们的资金不多，赞助人也不多。我们的竞选并非始于华盛顿的华丽大厅，而是起于德莫奈地区某家的后院、康科德地区的某家客厅、查尔斯顿地区的某家前廊。

it was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to this cause。 it grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of americans who volunteered and organized， and proved that more than two centuries later， a government of the people， by the people and for the people has not perished from this earth。 this is your victory。

劳动大众从自己的微薄积蓄中掏出5美元、10美元、20美元，拿来捐助我们的事业。年轻人证明了他们绝非所谓“冷漠的一代”。他们远离家乡和亲人，拿着微薄的报酬，起早摸黑地助选。上了年纪的人也顶着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门助选。无数美国人自愿组织起来，充当自愿者。正是这些人壮大了我们的声势。他们的行动证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。

i know you didn't do this just to win an election， and i know you didn't do it for me。 you did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead。 for even as we celebrate tonight， we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime — two wars， a pla in peril， the worst financial crisis in a century。 even as we stand here tonight， we know there are brave americans waking up in the deserts of iraq and the mountains of afghanistan to risk their lives for us。 there are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage， or pay their doctor's bills， or save enough for college。 there is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair。

你们这样做，并不只是为了赢得一场大选，更不是为了我个人。你们这样做，是因为你们清楚未来的任务有多么艰巨。今晚我们在欢庆，明天我们就将面对一生之中最为严峻的挑战--两场战争、一个充满危险的星球，还有百年一遇的金融危机。今晚我们在这里庆祝，但我们知道在伊拉克的沙漠里，在阿富汗的群山中，许许多多勇敢的美国人醒来后就将为了我们而面临生命危险。许许多多的父母会在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠，他们正在为月供、医药费，孩子今后的大学费用而发愁。我们需要开发新能源，创造就业机会，建造新学校，迎接挑战和威胁，并修复与盟国的关系。

the road ahead will be long。 our climb will be steep。 we may not get there in one year， or even one term， but america — i have never been more hopeful than i am tonight that we will get there。 i promise you: we as a people will get there。

前方道路还很漫长，任务艰巨。一年之内，甚至一届总统任期之内，我们可能都无法完成这些任务。但我从未像今晚这样对美国满怀希望，我相信我们会实现这个目标。我向你们承诺--我们美利坚民族将实现这一目标!

there will be setbacks and false starts。 there are many who won't agree with every decision or policy i make as president， and we know that government can't solve every problem。 but i will always be honest with you about the challenges we face。 i will listen to you， especially when we disagree。 and， above all， i will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been done in america for 221 years — block by block， brick by brick， callused hand by callused hand。

我们会遇到挫折，会出师不利，会有许多人不认同我的某一项决定或政策。政府并不能解决所有问题，但我会向你们坦陈我们所面临的挑战。我会聆听你们的意见，尤其是在我们意见相左之时。最重要的是，我会让你们一起重建这个国家。用自己的双手，从一砖一瓦做起。这是美国立国221年以来的前进方式，也是惟一的方式。

what began 21 months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night。 this victory alone is not the change we seek — it is only the chance for us to make that change。 and that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were。 it cannot happen without you。

21个月前那个隆冬所开始的一切，绝不应在这一个秋夜结束。我们所寻求的变革并不只是赢得大选，这只是给变革提供了一个机会。假如我们照老路子办事，就没有变革;没有你们，就没有变革。

so let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves， but each other。 let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything， it's that we cannot have a thriving wall street while main street suffers。 in this country， we rise or fall as one nation — as one people。

让我们重新发扬爱国精神，树立崭新的服务意识、责任感，每个人下定决心，一起努力工作，彼此关爱;让我们牢记这场金融危机带来的教训:不能允许商业街挣扎的同时却让华尔街繁荣。在这个国家，我们作为同一个民族，同生死共存亡。

let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long。 let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the republican party to the white house — a party founded on the values of self-reliance， individual liberty and national unity。 those are values we all share， and while the democratic party has won a great victory tonight， we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress。

党派之争、琐碎幼稚，长期以来这些东西荼毒了我们的政坛。让我们牢记，当来自伊利诺伊州的一位先生首次将共和党大旗扛进白宫时，伴随着他的是自强自立、个人自由、国家统一的共和党建党理念。这也是我们所有人都珍视的理念。虽然民主党今晚大胜，但我们态度谦卑，并决心弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧。

as lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours， "we are not enemies， but friends。。。 though passion may have strained， it must not break our bonds of affection。" and， to those americans whose support i have yet to earn， i may not have won your vote， but i hear your voices， i need your help， and i will be your president， too。

当年，林肯面对的是一个远比目前更为分裂的国家。他说:“我们不是敌人，而是朋友……虽然激情可能不再，但是我们的感情纽带不会割断。”对于那些现在并不支持我的美国人，我想说，虽然我没有赢得你们的选票，但我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，我也将是你们的总统。

and to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores， from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world — our stories are singular， but our destiny is shared， and a new dawn of american leadership is at hand。 to those who would tear this world down: we will defeat you。 to those who seek peace and security: we support you。 and to all those who have wondered if america's beacon still burns as bright: tonight， we proved once more that the true strength of our nation es not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth， but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy， liberty， opportunity and unyielding hope。

对于关注今夜结果的国际人士，不管他们是在国会、皇宫关注，还是在荒僻地带收听电台，我们的态度是:我们美国人的经历各有不同，但我们的命运相关，新的美国领袖诞生了。对于想毁灭这个世界的人们，我们必将击败你们。对于追求和平和安全的人们，我们将支持你们。对于怀疑美国这盏灯塔是否依然明亮的人们，今天晚上我们已再次证明:美国的真正力量来源并非军事威力或财富规模，而是我们理想的恒久力量:民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。

for that is the true genius of america — that america can change。 our union can be perfected。 and what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow。

美国能够变革，这才是美国真正的精髓。我们的联邦会不断完善。我们已经取得的成就，将为我们将来能够并且必须取得的成就增添希望。

this election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations。 but one that's on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in atlanta。 she's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election， except for one thing: ann nixon cooper is 106 years old。

这次大选创造了多项“第一”，诞生了很多将流芳后世的故事，但今晚令我最为难忘的却是一位在亚特兰大投票的妇女:安妮?库波尔。她和无数排队等候投票的选民没有什么差别，唯一的不同是她高龄106岁。

she was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons — because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin。

在她出生的那个时代，黑奴制刚刚废除。那时路上没有汽车，天上没有飞机。当时像她这样的人由于两个原因不能投票--一第一因为她是女性，第二个原因是她的肤色。

and tonight， i think about all that she's seen throughout her century in america — the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't and the people who pressed on with that american creed: yes， we can。

今天晚上，我想到了安妮在美国过去一百年间的种种经历:心痛和希望，挣扎和进步，那些我们被告知我们办不到的年代，以及我们现在这个年代。现在，我们坚信美国式信念──是的，我们能!

at a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed， she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot。 yes， we can。

在那个年代，妇女的声音被压制，她们的希望被剥夺。但安妮活到了今天，看到妇女们站起来了，可以大声发表意见了，有选举权了。是的，我们能。

when there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land， she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a new deal， new jobs and a new sense of mon purpose。 yes， we can。

安妮经历了上世纪三十年代的大萧条。农田荒芜，绝望笼罩美国大地。她看到了美国以新政、新的就业机会以及崭新的共同追求战胜了恐慌。是的，我们能。

when the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world， she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved。 yes， we can。

二战时期，炸弹袭击我们的海港，全世界受到独裁专制威胁，安妮见证了一代美国人的英雄本色，他们捍卫了民主。是的，我们能。

she was there for the buses in montgomery， the hoses in birmingham， a bridge in selma and a preacher from atlanta who told a people that "we shall overe。" yes， we can。

安妮经历了蒙哥马利公交车事件、伯明翰黑人暴动事件、塞尔马血醒周末事件。来自亚特兰大的一位牧师告诉人们:我们终将胜利。是的，我们能。

a man touched down on the moon， a wall came down in berlin， a world was connected by our own science and imagination。 and this year， in this election， she touched her finger to a screen and cast her vote， because after 106 years in america， through the best of times and the darkest of hours， she knows how america can change。 yes， we can。

人类登上了月球、柏林墙倒下了，科学和想像把世界连成了一块。今年，在这次选举中，安妮的手指轻触电子屏幕，投下自己的一票。她在美国生活了106年，其间有最美好的时光，也有最黑暗的时刻，她知道美国能够变革。是的，我们能。

america， we have e so far。 we have seen so much。 but there is so much more to do。 so tonight， let us ask ourselves: if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as ann nixon cooper， what change will they see? what progress will we have made?

美利坚，我们已经一路走来，我们已经看到了那么多变化，但我们仍有很多事情要做。今夜，让我们问自己这样一个问题:假如我们的孩子能够活到下一个世纪，假如我的女儿们有幸与安妮一样长寿，她们将会看到怎样的改变?我们又取得了怎样的进步?

this is our chance to answer that call。 this is our moment。 this is our time — to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the american dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth that out of many， we are one; that while we breathe， we hope， and where we are met with cynicism， and doubt， and those who tell us that we can't， we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: yes， we can。

现在，我们获得了回答这个问题的机会。这是我们的时刻，我们的时代。让我们的人民重新就业，为我们的孩子打开机会的大门;恢复繁荣，促进和平;让美国梦重放光芒，再证这一根本性真理，那就是:团结一致，众志成城;一息尚存，希望就在;倘若有人嘲讽和怀疑，说我们不能，我们就以这一永恒信条回应，因为它凝聚了整个民族的精神——是的，我们能!

thank you， god bless you， and may god bless the united states of america。

谢谢大家!愿上帝保佑你们，保佑美利坚合众国。

 

[范文二]

thank you so much。

tonight， more than 200 years after a former colony won the right to determine its own destiny， the task of perfecting our union moves forward。

今夜，在当年的殖民地赢得了决定自己命运的权利200多年以后，让美利坚合众国更加完美的任务又向前推进了一步。

it moves forward because of you。 it moves forward because you reaffirmed the spirit that has triumphed over war and depression， the spirit that has lifted this country from the depths of despair to the great heights of hope， the belief that while each of us will pursue our own individual dreams， we are an american family and we rise or fall together as one nation and as one people。

这一进程是因为你们而向前推进的，因为你们再次确认了那种使美国胜利克服了战争和萧条的精神，那种使美国摆脱绝望的深渊并走向希望的最高点的精神，以及那种虽然我们每个人都在追求自己的个人梦想、但我们同属一个美国大家庭、并作为一个国家和民族共同进退的信仰。

tonight， in this election， you， the american people， reminded us that while our road has been hard， while our journey has been long， we have picked ourselves up， we have fought our way back， and we know in our hearts that for the united states of america the best is yet to e。

今夜，在此次选举中，你们这些美国人民提醒我们，虽然我们的道路一直艰难，虽然我们的旅程一直漫长，但我们已经让自己振作起来，我们已经发起反击，我们在自己内心深处知道，对美利坚合众国来说，最美好一切属于未来。

i want to thank every american who participated in this election， whether you voted for the very first time or waited in line for a very long time。 by the way， we have to fix that。 whether you pounded the pavement or picked up the phone， whether you held an obama sign or a romney sign， you made your voice heard and you made a difference。

我想感谢所有参加此次选举的美国人，无论你是首次参加选举还是为投票曾长时间排队等候。顺便说一句，我们需要解决这些问题。无论你是到投票站投票还是发传真投票，无论你选的是奥巴马还是罗姆尼，你都让别人听到了自己的声音，你都让美国因你而不同。

i just spoke with gov。 romney and i congratulated him and paul ryan on a hard-fought campaign。 we may have battled fiercely， but it’s only because we love this country deeply and we care so strongly about its future。 from george to lenore to their son mitt， the romney family has chosen to give back to america through public service and that is the legacy that we honor and applaud tonight。 in the weeks ahead， i also look forward to sitting down with gov。 romney to talk about where we can work together to move this country forward。

我要对罗姆尼州长说几句话，我对他和保罗•莱恩在这次竞争激烈的选举中的表现表示祝贺。我们可能争夺得很激烈，但这仅仅是因为我们深爱着这个国家以及我们如此强烈地关心着它的未来。从乔治到勒诺到他们的儿子米特，罗姆尼家族选择了通过公共服务来回报美国，那是一种我们今夜表示敬重和赞许的遗产。我期待着今后几周能与罗姆尼州长坐下来讨论一下我们可以从何处着手一起努力将美国推向前进。

i want to thank my friend and partner of the last four years， america’s happy warrior， the best vice president anybody could ever hope for， joe biden。

我想对我在过去四年中的朋友和伙伴表示感谢。他就是美国的快乐战士、无出其右的最佳副总统乔•拜登。

and i wouldn’t be the man i am today without the woman who agreed to marry me 20 years ago。 let me say this publicly: michelle， i have never loved you more。 i have never been prouder to watch the rest of america fall in love with you， too， as our nation’s first lady。 sasha and malia， before our very eyes you’re growing up to bee two strong， smart beautiful young women， just like your mom。 and i’m so proud of you guys。 but i will say that for now one dog’s probably enough。

如果不是那位20年前同意嫁给我的女性，我不会成为今天的我。请让我公开说出下面这段话:米切尔，我对你的爱无以复加，我无比骄傲地看到其他美国人也爱上了你这位我们国家的第一夫人。萨沙和玛利亚，在我们所有人的见证下你们正成长为两个坚强、聪明和美丽的年轻女性，就像你们的妈妈一样。我十分以你们为荣。不过我要说的是，眼下家里养一条狗或许已经够了。

to the best campaign team and volunteers in the history of politics。 the best。 the best ever。 some of you were new this time around， and some of you have been at my side since the very beginning。 but all of you are family。 no matter what you do or where you go from here， you will carry the memory of the history we made together and you will have the lifelong appreciation of a grateful president。 thank you for believing all the way， through every hill， through every valley。 you lifted me up the whole way and i will always be grateful for everything that you’ve done and all the incredible work that you put in。

在这个有史以来的最佳竞选团队和有史以来的最佳志愿者队伍中，你们有些人是这次新加入进来的，有些人则是一开始就在我身边。但你们所有人都属于一个大家庭。无论你的工作是什么，无论你从哪里来，你们都将获得我们共同创造的历史记忆，你们都将被一位充满感激之情的总统终生感激。感谢你们始终充满信心，无论是在高峰还是在低谷。你们鼓舞着我走完整个选举过程，我对你们所做的每件事、你们所做的每项不可思议的工作将一直充满感激。

i know that political campaigns can sometimes seem small， even silly。 and that provides plenty of fodder for the cynics that tell us that politics is nothing more than a contest of egos or the domain of special interests。 but if you ever get the chance to talk to folks who turned out at our rallies and crowded along a rope line in a high school gym， or saw folks working late in a campaign office in some tiny county far away from home， you’ll discover something else。

我知道政治角力有时会显得小家子气甚至愚蠢。它为愤世嫉俗者提供了足够的口实，他们告诉我们政治不过是自负者之间的竞争，是特殊利益集团的地盘。但如果你曾经有机会与参加我们集会的那些人以及高中体育馆内挤在隔离绳外的那些人攀谈，或者看到那些在远离家乡的偏远小县的竞选办公室内加班工作的人，你会发现一些别的东西。

you’ll hear the determination in the voice of a young field organizer who’s working his way through college and wants to make sure every child has that same opportunity。 you’ll hear the pride in the voice of a volunteer who’s going door to door because her brother was finally hired when the local auto plant added another shift。 you’ll hear the deep patriotism in the voice of a military spouse who’s working the phones late at night to make sure that no one who fights for this country ever has to fight for a job or a roof over their head when they e home。

你将从一位年轻的活动现场组织者的声音里听到他的决心，他边在大学里学习边从事助选工作，他希望确保每个孩子都能拥有同样的机会。你将从一位志愿者的声音里听到她的骄傲，她挨门动员选民是因为她哥哥终因当地一家汽车制造厂增加了一个班次而有了工作。你将从一对军人夫妇的声音里听到深深的爱国情怀。他们深夜时还在接听选举电话，以确保那些曾经为这个国家作战的人不会返回家园时还要为得到一份工作或栖身之所而苦苦争斗。

that’s why we do this。 that’s what politics can be。 that’s why elections matter。 it’s not small， it’s big。 it’s important。 democracy in a nation of 300 million can be noisy and messy and plicated。 we have our own opinions。 each of us has deeply held beliefs。 and when we go through tough times， when we make big decisions as a country， it necessarily stirs passions， stirs up controversy。

正因为如此，我们要进行选举。这是政治所能够实现的。正因为如此，选举很重要。这不是小事，而是大事，是至关重要的事。在一个有三亿人口的国家实行民主制度可能嘈杂不堪、一团混乱、情况复杂。我们有自己的观点。我们每个人都有自己深信的信仰。当我们经历艰难时期，当我们作为一个国家做出重大决定时，这必然会激发热情，也必然会引发争议。

that won’t change after tonight， and it shouldn’t。 these arguments we have are a mark of our liberty。 we can never forget that as we speak people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter， the chance to cast their ballots like we did today。

今晚过后，这都不会改变，也不应该改变。我们进行的这些争论恰恰体现了我们的自由。我们永远不应忘记，就在我们讲话之际，遥远国度的人们现在正冒着生命危险，仅仅是为了获得一个能够对重要问题进行争论、像我们今天这样投票的机会。

but despite all our differences， most of us share certain hopes for america’s future。 we want our kids to grow up in a country where they have access to the best schools and the best teachers。 a country that lives up to its legacy as the global leader in technology and discovery and innovation， with all the good jobs and new businesses that follow。

不过，尽管我们存在这样那样的分歧，我们大多数人都对美国的未来有着某些共同的希望。我们希望我们的孩子成长的国家能够让他们上最好的学校、接受最好老师的教导。一个无愧于全球技术、探索和创新领袖光辉历史的国家，倘能如此，各种好工作和新企业将随之而来。

we want our children to live in an america that isn’t burdened by debt， that isn’t weakened by inequality， that isn’t threatened by the destructive power of a warming pla。 we want to pass on a country that’s safe and respected and admired around the world， a nation that is defended by the strongest military on earth and the best troops this – this world has ever known。 but also a country that moves with confidence beyond this time of war， to shape a peace that is built on the promise of freedom and dignity for every human being。

我们希望我们的孩子能够生活在一个没有债务之累、没有不公之苦、没有全球变暖带来的破坏之虞的美国。我们希望留给后代一个安全、受到全球尊重和赞赏的国家，一个由全球有史以来最强大的军事力量和最好的部队保卫的国家，一个满怀信心走过战争、在人人享有自由和尊严的承诺之上构建和平的国家。

we believe in a generous america， in a passionate america， in a tolerant america， open to the dreams of an immigrant’s daughter who studies in our schools and pledges to our flag。 to the young boy on the south side of chicago who sees a life beyond the nearest street corner。 to the furniture worker’s child in north carolina who wants to bee a doctor or a scientist， an engineer or an entrepreneur， a diplomat or even a president – that’s the future we hope for。 that’s the vision we share。 that’s where we need to go – forward。 that’s where we need to go。

我们坚信一个慷慨的美国、一个富有同情心的美国、一个宽容的美国。美国向一位移民的女儿的梦想打开了大门，让她有机会在我们的学校学习、对着我们的国旗宣誓;美国向芝加哥南部地区的一个小男孩打开了大门，让有机会他看到一个最近街角以外的远大人生;美国向北卡罗来纳州的一位家具工人的孩子打开了大门，让他有机会实现自己当医生或科学家、工程师或企业家、外交官甚至是总统的梦想，这是我们希望的未来。这是我们共同的愿景。这是我们奔赴的方向，向前的方向。这是我们需要实现的目标。

now， we will disagree， sometimes fiercely， about how to get there。 as it has for more than two centuries， progress will e in fits and starts。 it’s not always a straight line。 it’s not always a smooth path。

现在，我们对如何实现这一目标存在分歧，有时分歧还很严重。正如两个多世纪以来一样，进展的取得将是断断续续，并非总是一条直线，并非总是一帆风顺。

by itself， the recognition that we have mon hopes and dreams won’t end all the gridlock or solve all our problems or substitute for the painstaking work of building consensus and making the difficult promises needed to move this country forward。 but that mon bond is where we must begin。

承认我们拥有共同的希望和梦想，仅凭这一点不会结束所有的僵局，或解决我们所有的问题，或代替推动这个国家向前所需的达成共识和做出艰难让步的辛苦努力。不过，这一共同的纽带是我们必须开始的地方。

our economy is recovering。 a decade of war is ending。 a long campaign is now over。 and whether i earned your vote or not， i have listened to you， i have learned from you， and you’ve made me a better president。 and with your stories and your struggles， i return to the white house more determined and more inspired than ever about the work there is to do and the future that lies ahead。

我们的经济正在好转。长达10年的战争即将结束。一场漫长的竞选现已落幕。无论我是否赢得了你们的选票，我一直在倾听你们的故事，向你们学习，是你们使我成为一位更好的总统。听过你们的故事和困难经历，我在重返白宫时对今后需要做的工作和未来将怀着比以往更坚定的决心和更大的热情。

tonight you voted for action， not politics as usual。 you elected us to focus on your jobs， not ours。 and in the ing weeks and months， i am looking forward to reaching out and working with leaders of both parties to meet the challenges we can only solve together。 reducing our deficit。 reforming our tax code。 fixing our immigration system。 freeing ourselves from foreign oil。 we’ve got more work to do。

今晚你们把票投给了行动，而不是像以往投给了政治。你们选举我们来专注于你们的工作，而不是我们的工作。在未来的几周和几个月内，我将期待与两党领袖接触并合作，以便面对我们团结一致才能解决的问题。减少赤字，改革税法，修改移民制度，摆脱对外国石油的依赖。我们还很更多工作要做。

but that doesn’t mean your work is done。 the role of citizen in our democracy does not end with your vote。 america’s never been about what can be done for us。 it’s about what can be done by us together through the hard and frustrating， but necessary work of self-government。 that’s the principle we were founded on。

但这并不意味着你们的工作就此结束。民主国家公民的角色并不随着投票完结而结束。美国看重的从来都不是能够为我们个人做些什么，而是我们团结一致通过自治这一艰难、令人倍感挫折但必要的工作能够实现什么。这正是我们的立国之本。

this country has more wealth than any nation， but that’s not what makes us rich。 we have the most powerful military in history， but that’s not what makes us strong。 our university， our culture are all the envy of the world， but that’s not what keeps the world ing to our shores。

美国的财富多于世界上任何其他国家，但真正让我们富有的并非金钱;我们拥有有史以来最强大的军力，但真正让我们充满力量的并非军队;我们的大学和文化为全世界所艳羡，但美国真正吸引各国人踏上这片土地的魅力也不在于此。

what makes america exceptional are the bonds that hold together the most diverse nation on earth。 the belief that our destiny is shared; that this country only works when we accept certain obligations to one another and to future generations。 the freedom which so many americans have fought for and died for e with responsibilities as well as rights。 and among those are love and charity and duty and patriotism。 that’s what makes america great。

真正让美国与众不同的，是将这个地球上最多元化的国家的人民团结到一起的那些纽带。是我们共命运的信念，是只有当我们肩负某些对彼此以及对后代的责任美国才能走下去的信念，是无数的美国人前赴后继为之奋斗的自由──它既赋予了我们权利，也给我们带来了责任;是爱、慈善、义务和爱国。正是这些让美国变得伟大。

i am hopeful tonight because i’ve seen the spirit at work in america。 i’ve seen it in the family business whose owners would rather cut their own pay than lay off their neighbors， and in the workers who would rather cut back their hours than see a friend lose a job。 i’ve seen it in the soldiers who reenlist after losing a limb and in those seals who charged up the stairs into darkness and danger because they knew there was a buddy behind them watching their back。

今晚，我满怀希望，因为我已经看到美国精神正在得以发扬。我看到有些家族企业，所有者宁可减少自己的薪酬也不愿让邻居丢掉工作;我看到有些工人宁愿缩减自己的工时也不愿看到朋友没有活干;我看到有些士兵在失去一条腿或胳膊之后又选择再次入伍;我看到海豹突击队员不避危险冲上楼梯、冲入黑暗，因为他们知道有一个兄弟在做他的后盾。

i’ve seen it on the shores of new jersey and new york， where leaders from every party and level of government have swept aside their differences to help a munity rebuild from the wreckage of a terrible storm。 and i saw just the other day， in mentor， ohio， where a father told the story of his 8-year-old daughter， whose long battle with leukemia nearly cost their family everything had it not been for health care reform passing just a few months before the insurance pany was about to stop paying for her care。

在新泽西和纽约的海岸，我也看到了美国精神。每一个政党和各级政府的领导者都捐弃分歧，为在骇人风暴过后的废墟上重建社区各尽己力。就在不久前的一天，在俄亥俄的门托，我看到一位父亲在讲述他8岁女儿的故事。这个女孩与白血病进行了长期的斗争，如果不是因为几个月前通过的医改法案，保险公司就会停止支付医疗费用，他们的家庭就将失去一切。

i had an opportunity to not just talk to the father， but meet this incredible daughter of his。 and when he spoke to the crowd listening to that father’s story， every parent in that room had tears in their eyes， because we knew that little girl could be our own。 and i know that every american wants her future to be just as bright。 that’s who we are。 that’s the country i’m so proud to lead as your president。

我曾有机会与这位父亲攀谈，不仅如此，我还见到了他的女儿，这个非常了不起的小姑娘。当这位父亲向倾听他的故事的人讲述时，每一位在场的父母的眼里都含着泪水，因为我们知道，我们自己的孩子也有可能遇到这种状况。而且我知道，每一位美国人都希望这位小女孩的未来能像所有人的未来一样光明。这就是美国人，这就是美国，我为自己能够成为这个国家的总统、带领这个国家前行感到无比光荣。

and tonight， despite all the hardship we’ve been through， despite all the frustrations of washington， i’ve never been more hopeful about our future。 i have never been more hopeful about america。 and i ask you to sustain that hope。 i’m not talking about blind optimism， the kind of hope that just ignores the enormity of the tasks ahead or the roadblocks that stand in our path。 i’m not talking about the wishful idealism that allows us to just sit on the sidelines or shirk from a fight。

今晚，尽管我们遭遇了很多困难，尽管华盛顿有诸多不尽人意之处，我仍从未像现在这样对未来充满希望。我从未像现在这样对美国充满希望。我请大家也保持这样的希望。我所说的并非盲目的乐观主义，不是那种看不到眼前的任务有多么艰巨、看不到前行的路上有什么样的障碍的希望;我所说的并非作壁上观或是临战退缩的一厢情愿的理想主义。

i have always believed that hope is that stubborn thing inside us that insists， despite all the evidence to the contrary， that something better awaits us so long as we have the courage to keep reaching， to keep working， to keep fighting。

我一直相信，所谓希望就是我们内心倔强地坚持的力量，相信不管有多少相反的证据，都要相信有更好的东西在等着我们，只要我们有勇气不断前行、不懈工作、不停战斗。

america， i believe we can build on the progress we’ve made and continue to fight for new jobs and new opportunity and new security for the middle class。 i believe we can keep the promise of our founders， the idea that if you’re willing to work hard， it doesn’t matter who you are or where you e from or what you look like or where you love。 it doesn’t matter whether you’re black or white or hispanic or asian or native american or young or old or rich or poor， able， disabled， gay or straight， you can make it here in america if you’re willing to try。

国民们，我相信我们有能力在已经取得的进步的基础上再进一步，继续为了给中产阶级创造新的工作、新的机遇、新的保障而战斗。我相信我们有能力信守开国者们许下的诺言，信守这样一种理念，那就是不管你是谁，不管你来自哪里，不管你长相如何，不管你爱着哪个地方，你所需要做的就是努力工作。不管你的肤色是黑是白，不管你是拉美裔、亚裔还是美国原住民，不管你年轻还是年老，富有还是贫穷，身体健全或是残障，同性恋还是异性恋，只要你愿意努力，就能够在美国大有作为。

i believe we can seize this future together because we are not as divided as our politics suggests。 we’re not as cynical as the pundits believe。 we are greater than the sum of our individual ambitions， and we remain more than a collection of red states and blue states。 we are and forever will be the united states of america。

我相信我们有能力共同握住这样的未来，因为美国人民并不像政界那么严重分歧。美国人民不像某些饱学之士所认为的那样愤世嫉俗。美国的抱负并不是每一个美国人的抱负的简单加总，美国也不是红州和蓝州的简单联合。我们是美利坚合众国，我们将永远是美利坚合众国。

and together with your help and god’s grace we will continue our journey forward and remind the world just why it is that we live in the greatest nation on earth。

有你们的帮助，有上帝的仁慈，我们将继续携手前行，让全世界知道我们生活在全球最伟大的国度的原因到底是什么。

thank you， america。 god bless you。 god bless these united states。

谢谢你，国民们，上帝保佑你们，上帝保佑美国。

名人演讲稿范文
林肯的演讲稿forthepepper 第四篇

名人演讲稿范文

林肯:葛底斯堡演讲 

four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent，a new nation，conceived in liberty，and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal。 

now we are engaged in agreat civil war，testing whether that nation，or any nation so conceived and so dedicated，can long endure。we are met on agreat battle-field of that war。we have e to dedicate aportion of that field，as afinal resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live。名人演讲稿范文。it is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this。 

but，in alarger sense，we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground。the brave men，living and dead，who struggled here，have consecrated it，far above our poor power to add or detract。the world will little note，nor long remember what we say here，it can never forget what they did here。it is for us the living，rather，to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced。it is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation，under god，shall have anew birth of freedom--and that government of the people，by the people，for the people，shall not perish from the earth。 

八十七年之前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且投身给一种理念，即所有人都是小时候起平等的。名人演讲稿范文。 

时下，我们正在从事一次伟大的内战，我们在磨练，究竟这个国家，或任何一个有这种主张和这种信仰的国家，是否能长久存在。我们在那次战争的一个伟大的战场上集会。我们来到这里，奉献阿谁战场上的一部分土地，作为在此地为阿谁国家的保存而牺牲了自己生命的人的永世眠息之所。我们这样做，是十分合情合理的。 

可是，就更深一层意义而言，我们是无从奉献这片土地的--无从使它成为圣地--也不克不及把它变为许多人景仰之所。那些在这里战斗的猛士，活着的和死去的，已使这块土地神圣化了，远非我们的菲薄能力所能左右。世人会半大注意，更不会长久想的起来我们在此地所说的话，然而他们将永远忘不了这些人在这里所做的事。相反，我们活着的人应该投身于那些曾在此作战的许多人所英勇推动而尚未完成的事情。我们应该在此投身于我们面前所留存的伟大事情--由于他们的庆幸牺牲，我们要更坚定地致力于他们曾作最后全数贡献的阿谁事业--我们在此立志宣誓，不克不及让他们白白死去--要使这个国家在天主的保佑之下，获患上新生的自由--要使那民有、民治、民享的政府不致从地球上消失。

罗斯福:国会珍珠港演讲 

mr。vice president，mr。speaker，members of the senate，and of the house of representatives: 

yesterday，december 7th，1941--a date which will live in infamy--the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan。 

the united states was at peace with that nation and，at the solicitation of japan，was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific。indeed，one hour after japanese air squadrons had menced bombing in the american island of oahu，the japanese ambassador to the united states and his colleague delivered to our secretary of state aformal reply to arecent american message。and while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations，it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack。 

it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago。during the intervening time，the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace。 

the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces。i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost。in addition，american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francis co and honolulu 

yesterday，the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya。 last night，japanese forces attacked hong kong。 last night，japanese forces attacked guam。 

last night，japanese forces attacked the philippine islands。 last night，the japanese attacked wake island。 and thi--orning，the japanese attacked midway island。 

japan has，therefore，undertaken asurprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area。the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves。the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation。 

as mander in chief of the army and navy，i have directed that all measures be taken for our defense。but always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us。 

no matter how long it may take us to overe this premeditated invasion，the american people in their righteou--ight will win through to absolute victory。 

i believe that iinterpret the will of the congress and of the people when iassert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost，but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us。 

hostilities exist。there is no blinking at the fact that our people，our territory，and our interests are in grave danger。 

with confidence in our armed forces，with the unbounding determination of our people，we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us god。 

i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday，december 7th，1941，a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire。 

副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员: 

昨天，1941年12月7日——一个遗臭万年的日期——美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海空军蓄谋已久的进攻。 

合众国当时同日本处于和平状态，并且，根据日本的请求，当时仍在同该国政府和天皇进行会谈，以期维护太平洋和平。实际上，就在日本空军中队已经开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻合众国大使还向我们的国务卿提交了对合众国最近致日方信函的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用，但并未包含有关战争或武装进攻的威胁或暗示。历史将会证明，夏威夷距日本这么遥远，表明这次进攻是经过许多天或甚至许多个星期精心策划的。在此期间，日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维护和平的愿望来欺骗美国。 

昨天对夏威夷岛的进攻给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位，很多美国人丧失了生命，此外，据报，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁(檀香山)之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。 

昨天，日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进击。【林肯的演讲稿forthepepper】

昨夜，日本军队袭击了香港。 

昨夜，日本军队袭击了关岛。 

昨夜，日本军队袭击了菲律宾群岛。 

昨夜，日本人袭击了威克岛。 

今晨，日本人袭击了中途岛。 

因此，日本在整个太平洋地区采取了突然地攻势。发生在昨天和今天的事证实了这一点。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。 

作为三军总司令，我已指示，采取一切措施保卫我们的国家。 

我们整个国家都将永远记住此次对我们进攻的性质。不论要用多长的时间才能战胜此次蓄谋已久的入侵，美国人民以自己的正义力量一定要赢得绝对的胜利。 

我现在预言，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种形式的背信弃义永远不会再危及我们。我这样说，相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。战争已经开始，无庸讳言，我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。 

相信我们的武装部队——依靠我国人民的坚定决心——我们将取得必然的胜利，愿上帝保佑我们!我要求国会宣布:自1941年12月7日星期日日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，合众国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。

俞敏洪演讲稿——挣脱生命的束缚

其实人的一辈子都有某些东西束缚着我们，不管是贫困生活还是社会地位，不管是传统习俗还是法律条文。生命的抗争就是在束缚中跳出美丽舞蹈的过程。没有束缚的生命反而显得轻浮而没有分量，生命的束缚和挣脱束缚的努力，使我们生命变得厚重而美丽。

每个人都渴望生命能够像海水一样没有障碍地奔腾流动，和蓝天相接；每个人都渴望生命像风一样从天空自由自在地飘过，除了带走白云，没有一丝牵挂。没有人希望自己的生命受到束缚，就像没有任何动物愿意被关在笼子里一样。人的一生都是为了挣脱某种束缚而努力的过程，这一过程使生命变得丰富多彩，充满机遇，咀嚼失败，品味成功。

人一旦有了自觉意识之后的第一件事情就是和束缚抗争。从十一、二岁开始，青少年一般都会有几年很强烈的反叛期，这一时期的青少年，常常不管父母或老师说得对不对都和他们对着干。这一现象正是生命想要挣脱束缚的具体表现。可以说青少年对于父母的第一次抗争，就拉开了一辈子和各种各样的束缚进行斗争的序幕。动物通过角斗来宣示自己的力量，确定自己在群体中的地位；人类通过智慧和耐心来证明自己的能力，最终摆脱社会的束缚进入自由状态，尽管这一自由状态有可能只是一种虚幻，但争取进入这一状态的奋斗过程正好赋予了生命很丰富的意义。

一个人与其说是为了理想而努力，还不如说是为了摆脱某种束缚而努力。如果我们出生在贫苦家庭，我们可能所有的努力只有一个目的，就是为了摆脱贫困。因为贫困给我们带来了太多的束缚，在贫困中生命得不到张扬，也得不到尊重。所以在贫困中的人常常更加能够自强不息，因为他的背后有足够的动力:想要像城里人一样过上好日子(尽管城里人日子不一定好过)，想要像城里人一样吃得更多，走得更远。这些最朴素的理想恰恰变成了最有持久力的拼命。

当人们脱离贫困之后，马上就会为了争取自己的社会地位而努力，因为社会地位的高低直接和一个人的尊严有关。一个人如果社会地位低下，就像一群狼中的尾狼一样，永远只能吃最后一口肉，永远得不到最好的机会，甚至得不到母狼的青睐。社会地位低下这一可悲的状态足以鼓动任何男人和女人用尽一切力量和办法来摆脱卑微。社会地位的低下是一种非常现实的痛苦，当那些来自社会底层的大学生看到有家庭背景的同学总有人前呼后拥，被女孩子前堵后追的时候，不管有多大的心肺都会胸口发闷。在这种感觉下，懂得社会地位不可一蹴而就的人会用持续耐心的努力来争取社会地位的改善(有时候这是一辈子的努力)，而没有耐心的人就会采取危险行动，通过逢迎拍马、坑蒙拐骗来达到目的。面对社会地位，有虚荣心和贪婪心的人尤其危险，虚荣的人容易为了面子而断送幸福，而贪婪的人极有可能为了地位而断送生命，因为地位和金钱一样，没有任何满意的衡量标准，只能用内心去感受，一个面对地位和权力的诱惑不知道适可而止的人，极容易进入危险之地。但不管怎样，大多数人一辈子的奋斗过程，就是为了提高自身社会地位的过程。

当有了一定的社会地位之后，人们就开始要求精神的解放、心灵的自由，希望摆脱社会对于自己心灵和精神的限制，这是更高层面的生命抗争(当然有些伟人可以跃过贫困和社会地位的障碍直接进入追求精神解放的境界)。人生而平等这句话表达的不仅仅是一个社会地位问题，也是一个精神自由问题，民主诉求的实质是摆脱思想束缚，获得精神平等。当我们发现现实世界的很多束缚不可挣脱时，我们希望自己的心灵得到解放，而这一挣脱心灵中各种束缚的过程正是伟大文学和哲学思想产生的过程。人们进行文学和哲学思考的主要目的就是为了解放自己的情感，同时获得通向幸福和自由的路径。

如果说一般人的生命奋斗过程就足以令人感动，那另外一种人的成功更加震撼人心，那就是摆脱了身体残疾的束缚而创造出奇迹的人，因为他们常常做到了连正常人都做不到的事情。海伦凯勒从小失聪失明，但最后写出了令人颤抖的美丽文字；贝多芬在失聪之后谱写了第九交响曲，霍金坐在轮椅上通过手指的动作写出了<时间简史>，司马迁在遭受宫刑之后完成了<史记>；这些人的伟大成就没有一个不是在摆脱了身体残疾的束缚之后，放飞了自己强大的精神力量。还有在中国那些聋哑女孩跳出的千手观音，每一个动作都牵动着人们对于美丽的神经。我曾经碰上一个叫左力的浙江学生，从小耳朵就完全听不见了，到今天为止这个世界对他来说依然是一片寂静，但他却通过自己的努力一直读到了大学，而且一直都是好学生，他能够通过阅读老师的嘴唇知道老师在讲什么，他写出来的文字流畅通顺，思想丰富；现在他还准备到国外最好的大学去读书，从唇读中文转向唇读英文。我们拥有美好听力的人都没有把英文听懂学好，面对左力这样的学生，我们除了努力，还有什么好抱怨的呢?

我把左力这样的人称作是带着束缚跳出了最美丽舞蹈的人。其实人的一辈子都有某些东西束缚着我们，不管是贫困生活还是社会地位，不管是传统习俗还是法律条文。生命的抗争就是在束缚中跳出美丽舞蹈的过程。没有束缚的生命反而显得轻浮而没有分量，生命的束缚和挣脱束缚的努力，使我们生命变得厚重而美丽。我在学习单板滑雪时对于这一点体会尤其深刻，单板滑雪必须把两个脚牢牢地固定在板上，因此在光滑的雪地上你只要站起来就会摔下去，在你和滑雪板进行抗争的过程中，你会摔得鼻青眼肿，但只要坚持下去，你会慢慢发现，单板好像慢慢融化成了你身体的一部分，已经在你脚下运用自如；借助单板，你已经可以翻滚腾挪，飞驰向前，为生命留下一连串的潇洒和美丽。

马云演讲稿 

介绍我的时候感觉我像个政府官员，其实我还是一个创业者。其实去年这个时候还有周其仁教授，很多的学者、专家、教授已经感觉到，只不过是我胆子比较大，把话说出来，而且说得难听一点。 

我走了一大圈，分析一下我自己对于目前经济形势的看法，也许我自己的思考未必对，但我也不需要得到大家的认同，只是希望大家回去思考一些想法。我最近在全世界各地听了太多的灾难要来了，每个人都很沮丧和失望。我觉得在7、8月份可以称为是灾难和危机，今天已经是发生了质的变化，今天不能称为灾难，如果今天称为灾难那是灾难控制，你没有办法。而今天应该是重建体系，所以性质发生了剧烈的变化。 

第二，如果你以前没有担心过，今天开始担心，我已经觉得太晚了。你已经担心了2、3个月，你就别担心了。我觉得今天应该是采取行动，思考我们该做些什么事情的时候。我们也没有必要去思考，这个灾难2年以后会过去还是3年以后会回来。今天中午我在外面吃饭，餐厅的老板问我，你估计明年会回来吗?我说明年下半年就可以，他说明年下半年就可以?我说明年下半年你适应了。优秀的企业家必须学会比别人提前适应这个环境，这个灾难一定在2、3年打击每一个人，谁先适应谁就有机会。做企业至少是5年和10年的考虑，2、3年的灾难不算什么灾难，假如你没有思考过5年和10年，我觉得2、3年内的打击，那是没什么意义的。 

另外一个，假如说我认为再有灾难的话，即将到来的灾难，是信心危机、信任危机。在旧的商业体系破坏，而新的商业体系没有建成之间的空隙之中，我相信很多的问题会爆发出来。在救难的过程中、救危机的过程中，所有的人会团结在一起，在明年、后年的发展过程中，各个政府和企业家会想各种的办法，但是矛盾又来了，问题又来了，所以做企业永远不要失去信心。 

所有的人都说危机，但是我觉得是机会，危机危机是危险中的机会。我的感受从香港日本跑下来以后，我觉得第一，这次所谓的危机是人类社会进入商业社会全球化的阵痛，人类社会要进入商业社会走全球化，你必须面临这样的挑战。以前的全球化我认为是美国化，美国把自己的价值观、金融观，把自己的一切通过所有的手段传给了全世界，而由于信息时代，互联网让人们理解到，这样的价值观、这样的机制、这样的体系已经不能存在。 

美国的经济学家说，美国的文化是不太好，我们太会消费，你们中国也要承担很大的责任，你们不会消费。我说你们太胡说八道，比如说世界生产了10瓶酒，你们喝掉了8瓶，你自己喝醉了，把别人的也喝掉了，你会说是因为别人不会喝酒所以你醉了。或者说因为你会喝酒，所以你醉了。如果说这个用钱来解决，我认为这不是一个办法，这是全球化的阵痛，而且我们必须面对这样的阵痛。 

第三个，我认为这是原来劳动密集型向知识经济过渡的机会。假如没有这样的向知识经济转型，就没有我马云站在这里。我相信未来，由于知识经济过渡的机会，会有更多的企业家站在这里跟大家沟通。 

还有，人类的商业文明不会停止，10年以后会有更多的富翁和更多的成功企业，还会站在这里跟大家沟通。 

昨天的已经过去，我们今天很多在悲哀的人，事实上我觉得悲哀的都是既得利益者，假如没有这场变革，怎么会有中小企业，假如没有变革，我们这些所有垄断的企业，怎么有利益在?所以说不破不立。 

我听过很多的银行讲，我们给中小型企业贷款，我听了5年了，但是有多少的银行真正脚踏实地的在做呢?很少。如果银行不改变，我们改变银行，我坚信一点，3年以后今天的谈论中小企业的贷款银行，像马行长讲的，3年以后，这个国家、这个世界将会有更加完善的贷款体系给中小企业。以前只能听“今后可能会变成现实”，我相信这个建设的机制会更加好。 

假如你认为这是一个灾难，灾难已经来临，假如你认为是一个机遇，那么机遇即将成型。去年我跟大家讲，灾难可能会来，现在我告诉大家，机会的形成已经开始，大家开始进行准备吧，我们让经济学家去分析，为什么、还有多久，我们毕竟不是预测家。因为我坚信，在顺境的时代会诞生伟大的企业，但是顺境的时代也有垃圾企业。在逆势的时代也有伟大的企业，而且像日本的索尼公司就是在非常低迷的时期诞生了伟大的企业，所以对于企业家来讲，我们今天在这里呼吁的是企业家的精神。这个世界缺失的不是钱，商业社会缺失的是企业家的精神、企业家的梦想、企业家的价值观，是价值观的缺失，是梦想的缺失。为什么我们去年判断，我并不是从经济数据上判断经济出问题，我前几年听到最多在台上讲的人都是银行家，都是讲pe、ipo，都是讲市盈率多少倍，所有人不讲为客户创造价值，为社会创造价值，很少人讲理想、梦想、关心自己的员工，这个灾难一定到来。 

所以，今天我们不能等待政府，不能等待政治家。今天在呼唤政治家的时候，我希望我们能呼唤企业家的梦想、理想、价值观。呼唤起企业家的精神，共同参与应对人类最大的灾难。 

我自己的，假如2002年我没有和阿里巴巴 公司一起度过那次的互联网泡沫的危机，那次我的口号是“成为最后一个倒下的人”。即使跪着，我也得最后倒下。而且，我那时候坚信一点，我困难有人比我更困难，我难过对手比我更难过，谁能熬得住谁就赢。放弃是最大的失败，假如你关掉你的工厂，关掉你的企业，你永远没有再回来的机会。 

我觉得该做什么，该保留现金的保留现金，该关掉一些部门的关掉一些部门，该合并的合并，该做的做，但是永远不要放弃自己的信心，永远不要放弃当第一的梦想，这是我自己的想法。我看到去年最大的灾难开始的时候，我们大部分的企业家的朋友，他们都说我去年挣了多少钱，但是告诉我挣来的钱都是股市上挣来的钱的时候，我觉得灾难也会来，今天不来明天也来。2002年我有机会接受这样的挑战。过了2002年，我跟自己讲，我的一辈子的商业生活中，将经历这样无数的灾难，我想看的是，我一辈子可以经历多少的灾难。这是人类100年才一遇的这样的一次金融风暴，如果这样的金融风暴你度过了，你年老离开的时候，你可以告诉别人，我当年经历过这样的灾难，我爷爷没有经历过，我爸也没有这个资格，我有了。 

所以，我觉得我们应该感到荣幸、骄傲，因为我们还年轻。我跟我的同事讲，我今年40多岁，他们20多岁，在他们20多岁的时候我们经历了这次灾难，而这次灾难给了我们无数的机会。我相信优秀的企业在顺境中可以发展，但是在逆境中还可以照样发展是最好的。 

所以，我坚信一点，10年以后社会将进入新的时代，商业社会将进入新的商业文明的阶段，我们将更加统一、更加和谐、更加开明、更加开放，市场将会更加繁荣。所有人做10年以后的梦想，做3年以后的规划。所以，我自己在公司里面已经做了规划。 

人类步入了21世纪，21世纪的第一步的阵痛告诉我们，只有更加开放、具有眼光，才能走得久。所有的企业只要你想活，你一定能活下去，连“朱坚强”都能活，你为什么不可以?谢谢大家!

奥巴马演讲稿——梦想与责任

know that for many of you， today is the first day of school。 and for those of you in kindergarten， or starting middle or high school， it’s your first day in a new school， so it’s understandable if you’re a little nervous。 i imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go。 and no matter what grade you’re in， some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could’ve stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning。

我知道，今天是你们很多人开学的日子。对于进入小学预备班、初中或高中的学生，今天是你们来到新学校的第一天，心里可能有点紧张，这是可以理解的。我能想象有些毕业班学生现在感觉很不错——(掌声)——还有一年就毕业了。不论在哪个年级，你们有些人可能希望暑假更长一点，今天早上还能多睡一小会儿。 

i know that feeling。 when i was young， my family lived overseas。 i lived in indonesia for a few years。 and my mother， she didn’t have the money to send me where all the american kids went to school， but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an american education。 so she decided to teach me extra lessons herself， monday through friday。 but because she had to go to work， the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning。 

我了解这种感觉。我小时候，我们家生活在海外。我在印度尼西亚住了几年。我妈妈没有钱送我上其他美国孩子上的学校，但她认为必须让我接受美式教育。因此，她决定从周一到周五自己给我补课。不过她还要上班，所以只能在清晨四点半给我上课。 

now， as you might imagine， i wasn’t too happy about getting up that early。 and a lot of times， i’d fall asleep right there at the kitchen table。 but whenever i’d plain， my mother would just give me one of those looks and she’d say， “this is no piic for me either， buster。” (laughter。) 

你们可以想见，我不太情愿那么早起床。有很多次，我趴在餐桌上就睡着了。但每当我抱怨的时候，我妈妈都会那样地看我一眼，然后说:“小子，这对我也并不轻松。”(笑声) 

so i know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school。 but i’m here today because i have something important to discuss with you。 i’m here because i want to talk with you about your education and what’s expected of all of you in this new school year。 

我知道你们有些人还在适应开学后的生活。但我今天来到这里是因为有重要的事情要和你们说。我来这里是要和你们谈谈你们的教育问题，以及在这个新学年对你们所有人的期望。 

now， i’ve given a lot of speeches about education。 and i’ve talked about responsibility a lot。 我做过很多次有关教育问题的演讲。我多次谈到过责任问题。 

i’ve talked about teachers’ responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn。 我谈到过教师激励学生并督促他们学习的责任。 

i’ve talked about your parents’ responsibility for making sure you stay on track， and you get your homework done， and don’t spend every waking hour in front of the tv or with the xbox。 

我谈到过家长的责任，要确保你们走正路，完成家庭作业，不要整天坐在电视前或玩xbox游戏。 i’ve talked a lot about your government’s responsibility for setting high standards， and supporting 

teachers and principals， and turning around schools that aren’t working， where students aren’t getting the opportunities that they deserve。

我多次谈到过政府的责任，要制定高标准，支持教师和校长的工作，彻底改善不能为学生提供应有机会的、教育质量差的学校。 

but at the end of the day， we can have the most dedicated teachers， the most supportive parents， the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference， none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities， unless you show up to those schools， unless you pay attention to those teachers， unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed。 that’s what i want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education。 

然而，即使我们拥有最敬业的教师，最尽力的家长和全世界最好的学校——如果你们大家不履行你们的责任，不到校上课，不专心听讲，不听家长、祖父祖母和其他大人的话，不付出取得成功所必须的勤奋努力，那么这一切都毫无用处，都无关紧要。这就是我今天讲话的重点:你们每个人对自己的教育应尽的责任。  

i want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself。 every single one of you has something that you’re good at。 every single one of you has something to offer。 and you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is。 that’s the opportunity an education can provide。 

我首先要讲讲你们对自己应尽的责任。你们每个人都有自己的长处。你们每个人都能做出自己的贡献。你们对自己应尽的责任是发现自己的能力所在。而教育能够提供这样的机会。 

maybe you could be a great writer -- maybe even good enough to write a book or articles in a newspaper -- but you might not know it until you write that english paper -- that english class paper that’s assigned to you。 maybe you could be an innovator or an inventor -- maybe even good enough to e up with the next iphone or the new medicine or vaccine -- but you might not know it until you do your project for your science class。 maybe you could be a mayor or a senator or a supreme court justice -- but you might not know that until you join student government or the debate team。 

你或许能成为一名出色的作家——甚至可能写书或在报纸上发表文章——但你可能要在完成那篇英文课的作文后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名创新者或发明家——甚至可能设计出新一代iphone或研制出新型药物或疫苗——但你可能要在完成科学课的实验后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名市长或参议员或最高法院的大法官——但你可能要在参加学生会的工作或辩论队后才会发现自己的才华。 and no matter what you want to do with your life， i guarantee that you’ll need an education to do it。 you want to be a doctor， or a teacher， or a police officer? you want to be a nurse or an architect， a lawyer or a member of our military? you’re going to need a good education for every single one of those careers。 you cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job。 you’ve got to train for it and work for it and learn for it。 

不论你的生活志向是什么，我敢肯定你必须上学读书才能实现它。你想当医生、教师或警官吗?你想当护士、建筑师、律师或军人吗?你必须接受良好的教育，才能从事上述任何一种职业。你不能指望辍学后能碰上个好工作。你必须接受培训，为之努力，为之学习。 

and this isn’t just important for your own life and your own future。 what you make of your education will decide nothing less than the future of this country。 the future of america depends on you。 what you’re learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future。 

这并非只对你个人的人生和未来意义重大。可以毫不夸大地说，教育给你带来的益处将决定这个国家的未来。美国的未来取决于你们。你们今日在校学习的知识将决定我们作为一个国家是否能够迎接我们未来所面临的最严峻挑战。

you’ll need the knowledge and problem-solving skills you learn in science and math to cure diseases like cancer and aids， and to develop new energy technologies and protect our environment。 you’ll need the insights and critical-thinking skills you gain in history and social studies to fight poverty and 

homelessness， crime and discrimination， and make our nation more fair and more free。 you’ll need the creativity and ingenuity you develop in all your classes to build new panies that will create new jobs and boost our economy。 

你们将需要利用你们通过自然科学和数学课程所学到的知识和解决问题的能力来治愈癌症、艾滋病及其他疾病，开发新的能源技术和保护我们的环境。你们将需要利用你们在历史学和社会学课堂上所获得的知识和独立思考能力来抗击贫困和解决无家可归问题，打击犯罪和消除歧视，使我们的国家更公平、更自由。你们将需要利用你们在所有课堂上培养的创造力和智慧来创办新公司，增加就业机会，振兴我们的经济。 we need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems。 if you don’t do that -- if you quit on school -- you’re not just quitting on yourself， you’re quitting on your country。 

我们需要你们每个人发挥你们的聪明才智和技能，以便帮助老一辈人解决我们面临的最棘手问题。如果你们不这样做，如果你们辍学，你们不仅仅是自暴自弃，也是抛弃自己的国家。 

now， i know it’s not always easy to do well in school。 i know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork。 

我自然知道要做到学业优秀并非总是易事。我知道你们许多人在生活中面临挑战，难以集中精力从事学业。

i get it。 i know what it’s like。 my father left my family when i was two years old， and i was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn’t always able to give us the things that other kids had。 there were times when i missed having a father in my life。 there were times when i was lonely and i felt like i didn’t fit in。 

我明白这一点。 我有亲身感受。两岁时，我父亲离家而去，我是由一位单亲母亲抚养成人的，母亲不得不工作，并时常为支付生活费用而苦苦挣扎，但有时仍无法为我们提供其他孩子享有的东西。有时，我渴望生活中能有一位父亲。有时我感到孤独，感到自己不适应社会。 

so i wasn’t always as focused as i should have been on school， and i did some things i’m not proud of， and i got in more trouble than i should have。 and my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse。 

我并非总是像我应该做到的那样专心学习，我也曾做过我如今不能引以为豪的一些事情，我曾惹过不应该惹的麻烦。我的人生原本会轻易陷入更糟糕的境地。 

but i was -- i was lucky。 i got a lot of second chances， and i had the opportunity to go to college and law school and follow my dreams。 my wife， our first lady michelle obama， she has a similar story。 neither of her parents had gone to college， and they didn’t have a lot of money。 but they worked hard， and she worked hard， so that she could go to the best schools in this country。 

但是，我当年际遇不错。我有过许多第二次机会，我有幸能上大学，上法学院，追求自己的理想。我的妻子，我们的第一夫人米歇尔•奥巴马，也有着类似的经历。她的父母都未曾上过大学，家里很穷。但他们非常勤奋 ，她也是如此，因此她得以进入一些美国最好的学校。 

some of you might not have those advantages。 maybe you don’t have adults in your life who give you the support that you need。 maybe someone in your family has lost their job and there’s not enough money to go around。 maybe you live in a neighborhood where you don’t feel safe， or have friends who are pressuring you to do things you know aren’t right。 

你们中有一些人可能没有那些有利条件。或许你们生活中没有成年人为你们提供你们所需要的支持。或许你们家中有人失业，经济非常拮据。或许你们生活在使你们感觉不安全的社区，或有朋友逼迫你们去做你们知道不对的事情。 

but at the end of the day， the circumstances of your life -- what you look like， where you e from， how much money you have， what you’ve got going on at home -- none of that is an excuse for neglecting your homework or having a bad attitude in school。 that’s no excuse for talking back to your teacher， or cutting class， or dropping out of school。 there is no excuse for not trying。 

然而说到底，你们生活的环境、你们的肤色、你们的原籍、你们的经济收入、你们家中的境况等等，这一切都不能成为你们不用功或不努力的理由。你们没有理由不服从你们的老师、逃学、或辍学。没有理由不付出努力。 

where you are right now doesn’t have to determine where you’ll end up。 no one’s written your destiny for you， because here in america， you write your own destiny。 you make your own future。 

你们目前的状况并不决定着你们的未来。没有人决定你们的命运，在美国，你们决定自己的命运。你们掌握自己的未来。 

that’s what young people like you are doing every day， all across america。 这就是像你们这样的年轻人每天都在做的事情，全美各地都是如此。 

young people like jazmin perez， from roma， texas。 jazmin didn’t speak english when she first started school。 neither of her parents had gone to college。 but she worked hard， earned good grades， and got a scholarship to brown university -- is now in graduate school， studying public health， on her way to being dr。 jazmin perez。 

来自得州罗马城的贾兹敏•佩雷斯(jazmin perez)就是一个例证，她刚开始上学时并不会说英文。她的父母都没有上过大学。然而，她非常勤奋，成绩优秀，获得了布朗大学的奖学金，她如今正在读研究生，攻读公共卫生专业，不久将成为贾兹敏•佩雷斯博士。 

i’m thinking about andoni schultz， from los altos， california， who’s fought brain cancer since he was three。 he’s had to endure all sorts of treatments and surgeries， one of which affected his memory， so it took him much longer -- hundreds of extra hours -- to do his schoolwork。 but he never fell behind。 he’s headed to college this fall。我想起了加州洛斯阿尔托斯城的安多尼•舒尔茨(andoni schultz)，他从三岁开始就一直与脑癌进行抗争，他不得不忍受各类治疗和手术带来的痛苦，其中一项手术曾影响了他的记忆，因此他花在功课上的时间比一般人长得多，要多出数百个小时。然而，他从未落后。他今年秋季将迈进大学。 

and then there’s shantell steve， from my hometown of chicago， illinois。 even when bouncing from 

foster home to foster home in the toughest neighborhoods in the city， she managed to get a job at a local health care center， start a program to keep young people out of gangs， and she’s on track to graduate high school with honors and go on to college。 

我还想起家乡伊利诺伊州芝加哥市的尚特尔•史蒂夫(shantell steve)。她曾在芝加哥最困难的社区生活，寄养于多个不同的家庭，但她最终在一家地方医疗中心找到工作，并开始了一项帮助年轻人远离流氓团伙的计划，她即将以优异成绩从中学毕业，紧接着将上大学。 

and jazmin， andoni， and shantell aren’t any different from any of you。 they face challenges in their lives just like you do。 in some cases they’ve got it a lot worse off than many of you。 but they refused to give up。 they chose to take responsibility for their lives， for their education， and set goals for themselves。 and i expect all of you to do the same。贾兹敏、安多尼和尚特尔与你们中间的每个人没什么两样。跟你们一样，他们在生活中面临种种挑战。在某些情况下，他们的处境比起你们许多人更差。但他们拒绝放弃。他们决定要为自己的一生、自己的教育负起责任，为自己设定各项奋斗目标。我期待你们大家都会这样做。 

that’s why today i’m calling on each of you to set your own goals for your education -- and do everything you can to meet them。 your goal can be something as simple as doing all your homework， paying attention in class， or spending some time each day reading a book。 maybe you’ll decide to get involved in an extracurricular activity， or volunteer in your munity。 maybe you’ll decide to stand up for kids who are being teased or bullied because of who they are or how they look， because you believe， like i do， that all young people deserve a safe environment to study and learn。 maybe you’ll decide to take better care of yourself so you can be more ready to learn。 and along those lines， by the way， i hope all of you are washing your hands a lot， and that you stay home from school when you don’t feel well， so we can keep people from getting the flu this fall and winter。 

因此，我今天呼吁你们每一个人为自己的教育设定目标，并尽自己的最大努力来实现这些目标。你的目标可以是一件十分简单的事情，例如完成家庭作业、上课专心听讲、或每天花一点时间读一本书。也许你会决定要参加课外活动或在你的社区提供志愿服务。也许你会决定挺身而出保护那些因为身份或长相而受人戏弄或欺负的孩子，原因是你和我一样认为所有的年轻人都应该享有一个适合读书和学习的安全环境。也许你会决定更好地照料自己，以便有更充沛的精力来学习。顺便提一下，除了这些事情外，我希望大家要勤洗手，身体感到不舒服的时候要呆在家里不去上学，这样我们能防止人们在今年秋冬季节染上流感。 but whatever you resolve to do， i want you to mit to it。 i want you to really work at it。但无论你决定做什么，我希望你保证去做。我希望你脚踏实地地去做。 

i know that sometimes you get that sense from tv that you can be rich and successful without any hard work -- that your ticket to success is through rapping or basketball or being a reality tv star。 chances are you’re not going to be any of those things。

我知道有时候你会从电视上得到这样的印象:你不用做任何艰苦的工作就能发财致富并取得成功，唱小调、打篮球或成为真人秀明星是走向成功的途径。但实际情况是:你可能不会成为其中的一员。 

the truth is， being successful is hard。 you won’t love every subject that you study。 you won’t click with every teacher that you have。 not every homework assignment will seem pletely relevant to your life right at this minute。 and you won’t necessarily succeed at everything the first time you try。 

事实上，取得成功不是轻而易举的事情。你不会喜欢你学习的每一门课目。你不会与你的每一位老师都很投契。不是所有的家庭作业似乎都与你眼前的生活完全有关。你第一次尝试做每件事的时候，不一定成功。 

that’s okay。 some of the most successful people in the world are the ones who’ve had the most failures。 j。k。 rowling’s -- who wrote harry potter -- her first harry potter book was rejected 12 times before it was finally published。 michael jordan was cut from his high school basketball team。 he lost hundreds of games and missed thousands of shots during his career。 but he once said， “i have failed over and over and over again in my life。 and that’s why i succeed。” 

这些都没关系。世界上最成功的人士中有一些是遭遇失败最多的人。作者j•k•罗琳(j。k。 rowling)所写的系列小说<哈利•波特>(harry potter)第一部在获得出版之前被退稿12次。迈克尔•乔丹(michael jordan)曾被他的高中篮球队除名。在乔丹的篮球生涯中，他输过数百场比赛，有成千上万个球没有投中。但他曾说过:“在我的一生中，我失败了一次又一次、一次又一次。这就是我成功的原因。” 

these people succeeded because they understood that you can’t let your failures define you -- you have to let your failures teach you。 you have to let them show you what to do differently the next time。 so if you get into trouble， that doesn’t mean you’re a troublemaker， it means you need to try harder to act right。 if you get a bad grade， that doesn’t mean you’re stupid， it just means you need to spend more time studying。 

这些人士获得成功，因为他们懂得:你不能让失败来限制你，而必须让失败来开导你。你必须让失败向你展示下次如何以不同的方式去做这件事情。因此，如果你遇到麻烦，那并不表示你是麻烦的制造者，而意味着你需要更加努力去把它做对。如果你有一门课分数低，那不表示你比别人笨，而只表示你需要花更多的时间学习。 

no one’s born being good at all things。 you bee good at things through hard work。 you’re not a varsity athlete the first time you play a new sport。 you don’t hit every note the first time you sing a song。 you’ve got to practice。 the same principle applies to your schoolwork。 you might have to do a math problem a few times before you get it right。 you might have to read something a few times before you understand it。 you definitely have to do a few drafts of a paper before it’s good enough to hand in。 

没有一个人天生擅长做各种事情。你通过勤奋而变得擅长于各种事情。第一次从事新的体育项目时，你不可能是一位主力队员。第一次唱一首歌曲时，你不可能唱准每个音。你必须练习。同样的道理适用于你的学业。你可能要把一道数学题做几次才把它做对。你可能要把一些材料阅读几遍才能理解。在交出一篇优美的作文之前，你肯定需要打几遍草稿。 

don’t be afraid to ask questions。 don’t be afraid to ask for help when you need it。 i do that every day。 asking for help isn’t a sign of weakness， it’s a sign of strength because it shows you have the courage to admit when you don’t know something， and that then allows you to learn something new。 so find an adult that you trust -- a parent， a grandparent or teacher， a coach or a counselor -- and ask them to help you stay on track to meet your goals。 

不要害怕提问。不要在需要帮助时害怕请求别人帮助。我天天请求别人的帮助。请求帮助不是软弱的表现，它是力量的标志，因为它表明你有勇气承认自己对某些事情不懂，这样做会使你学到新的东西。因此，请确定一位你信任的成年人，例如家长、祖父母或老师、教练或辅导员，请他们帮助你遵循既定计划实现你的目标。 

and even when you’re struggling， even when you’re discouraged， and you feel like other people have given up on you， don’t ever give up on yourself， because when you give up on yourself， you give up on your country。 

即使当你苦苦挣扎、灰心丧气、感到其他人对你不抱希望时，也不要对你自己丧失信心，因为当你自暴自弃时，你也抛弃了自己的国家。 

the story of america isn’t about people who quit when things got tough。 it’s about people who kept going， who tried harder， who loved their country too much to do anything less than their best。 

书写美国历史的不是在困难时刻退缩的人，而是坚持不懈、加倍努力的人，他们对国家的爱促使他们全力以赴。 

it’s the story of students who sat where you sit 250 years ago， and went on to wage a revolution and they founded this nation。 young people。 students who sat where you sit 75 years ago who overcame a depression and won a world war; who fought for civil rights and put a man on the moon。 students who sat where you sit 20 years ago who founded google and twitter and facebook and changed the way we municate with each other。 

书写美国历史的是250年前坐在你们的位置上的学生，他们后来进行了独立战争并创建了这个国家。还有75年前坐在你们的位置上的年轻人和学生，他们走出了大萧条并打赢了一场世界大战；他们为民权而奋斗并把宇航员送上了月球。至于20年前坐在你们的位置上的学生，他们创办了谷歌(google)、叽喳网(twitter)和脸谱网(facebook)，改变了我们交流沟通的方式。 

so today， i want to ask all of you， what’s your contribution going to be? what problems are you going to solve? what discoveries will you make? what will a president who es here in 20 or 50 or 100 years say about what all of you did for this country? 

而今天，我要问问你们大家，你们将做出什么贡献?你们将解决什么问题?你们将有什么发现?20年、50年或100年后来到这里讲话的总统将会怎样评价你们大家为这个国家所做的一切? 

now， your families， your teachers， and i are doing everything we can to make sure you have the education you need to answer these questions。 i’m working hard to fix up your classrooms and get you the books and the equipment and the puters you need to learn。 but you’ve got to do your part， too。 so i expect all of you to get serious this year。 i expect you to put your best effort into everything you do。 i expect great things from each of you。 so don’t let us down。 don’t let your family down or your country down。 most of all， don’t let yourself down。 make us all proud。 

你们的家人、你们的老师和我正在竭尽全力保证你们接受必要的教育，以便回答上述问题。我正在努力工作，以便你们的教室得到修缮，你们能够得到学习所需的课本、设备和电脑。但你们也必须尽自己的努力。因此，我希望你们大家从今年起认真对待这个问题。我希望你们尽最大努力做好每一件事。我希望你们每个人都有出色的表现。不要让我们失望。不要让你们的家人或你们的国家失望。而最重要的是，不要辜负你们自己，而要让我们都能[为你们]感到骄傲。 

thank you very much， everybody。 god bless you。 god bless america。 thank you。 (applause。) 

非常感谢你们大家。愿主保佑你们。愿主保佑美国。谢谢你们。(掌声) 

以上就是中国招生考试网http://www.chinazhaokao.com/带给大家的精彩成考报名资源。想要了解更多《林肯的演讲稿forthepepper》的朋友可以持续关注中国招生考试网，我们将会为你奉上最全最新鲜的成考报名内容哦! 中国招生考试网，因你而精彩。

相关热词搜索：林肯就职演讲稿 关于林肯的演讲稿