肯尼迪演说搞

导读：　肯尼迪演说搞篇一《约翰肯尼迪演讲稿(中英文对照)》 ...

本文是中国招生考试网（www.chinazhaokao.com）成考报名频道为大家整理的《肯尼迪演说搞》，供大家学习参考。

肯尼迪演说搞篇一
《约翰.肯尼迪演讲稿(中英文对照)》

First Inaugural Address

(John F. Kennedy)

Jan. 2o, 1961.

Brief introduction to the speaker:

John F. Kennedy (1917-1963) John F. Kennedy was a war hero, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author, a U.S. senator for most of the 1950s. in November 1960, at the age of 43, John F. he became the youngest man ever elected president of the United States. on Nov. 22, 1963, Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Tex., the fourth United States president to die by an assassin’s bullet..

*******************************************************************************

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signify- ing renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn betbre you,and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The worried is very different now for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first, revolution. Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and

success of liberty

This much we pledge and more.

To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided

there is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny We sha1l not always expect to tind them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it ‘s cannot save the

few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into, good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist, free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile power s. Let al our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere ill the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age age where the

instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and run.

Finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary we offer not a pledge, but a request, that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, and yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.

So let us begin aneW remembering on both sides that stability is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals, for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage

the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to rsndo the herrny brrrdens rrnd let the oppressed go hee.

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of powen but a new world of law, whel-e the

strong are just, and the weak secured, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundrcd days, nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifietime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to

give testimony to its national loyalty The graves of young Americans, who answered the caI1 to service, surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a cal1 to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilight

struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease, and war itself

Can we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic

effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility I

welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation. The energy the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor,

will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do lbr the iieedom of men.

Finally whether you are citizens of A1nerica, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. Wth a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the Iand we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.

火炬已经传给新一代美国人

（约翰.肯尼迪）

1961.1.20

演讲者简介：

约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，五十年代大部分时间里的参议员。1960年的11月，年仅43岁的他成为美国历史选择产生的最年轻的总统。1963年11月22日他在德克萨斯州的达拉斯遇刺身亡，是美国历史上第四位死于暗杀者的子弹的总统。

**********************************************************************************

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味看变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪—他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道—不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落—为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证—而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成—因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由—而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间---之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证---在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

对联合国，主权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。

最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。

我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。

但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰---发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。

因此，让我们双方重新开始—双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。

让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。

让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令---“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节。）

如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和平将得到维护。

所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。

公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

现在，号角已再次吹响---不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人---专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。

为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？

在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么、而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些计人，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。

肯尼迪演说搞篇二
《约翰·肯尼迪就职演说 -英语演讲稿》

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说 -英语演讲稿.txt男人应该感谢20多岁陪在自己身边的女人。因为20岁是男人人生的最低谷，没钱，没事业；而20岁，却是女人一生中最灿烂的季节。只要锄头舞得好，哪有墙角挖不到？John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Address 　　约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，五十年代大部分时间里的参议员。1960年的11月，年仅43岁的他成为美国历史选择产生的最年轻的总统。1963年11月22日他在德克萨斯州的达拉斯遇刺身亡，是美国历史上第四位死于暗杀者子弹的总统。We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not

because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be fi

nished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own

肯尼迪演说搞篇三
《肯尼迪就职演讲-中英对照-完美翻译-经典名句》

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。

现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been

committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

让每一个国家知道，不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将付出任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。

This much we pledge -- and more.

这是我们矢志不移的事－－而且还不止此。

对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结，则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂，我们则无可作为，因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下，是不敢应付强大挑战的。

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家，我们要提出保证，绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后，却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由，并应记取，在过去，那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人，结果却被虎所吞噬。

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们，我们保证尽最大努力助其自救，不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做，也不是由于我们要求他们的选票，而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全那少数的富人。

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we

shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证：要把我们的美好诺言化作善行，在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己会管。

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会，在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中，它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言；不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛，加强其对于新国弱国的保护，并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

最后，对于那些与我们为敌的国家，我们所要提供的不是保证，而是要求：双方重新着手寻求和平，不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使

全人类沦于自我毁灭。

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可臵疑地壮大时，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

可是这两个强有力的国家集团，谁也不能对当前的趋势放心－－双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担，双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇，可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡，而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。

So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

因此让我们重新开始，双方都应记住，谦恭并非懦弱的征象，而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题，而不要虚耗心力于使我们分

肯尼迪演说搞篇四
《肯尼迪演讲稿》

John F. Kennedy: Address to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association Delivered 12 September 1960 at the Rice Hotel in Houston, TX

AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio

Reverend Meza, Reverend Reck, I'm grateful for your generous invitation to state my views.

While the socalled

religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that I believe that we have far more critical issues in the

1960 campaign; the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers only 90 miles from

the coast of Florida the

humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those

who no longer respect our power the

hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people

who cannot pay their doctors bills, the families forced to give up their farms an America

with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space. These

are the real issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues for

war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barrier.

But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues

in this campaign have been obscured perhaps

deliberately, in some quarters less

responsible than this. So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again not what

kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me but what kind of

America I believe in.

I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute; where no

Catholic prelate would tell the President should

he be Catholic how

to act, and no

Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote; where no church or church

school is granted any public funds or political preference, and where no man is denied public

AmericanRhetoric.com

office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him, or the

people who might elect him.

I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish; where no

public official either requests or accept instructions on public policy from the Pope, the

National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source; where no religious body seeks

to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its

officials, and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated

as an act against all.

For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in

other years it has been and

may someday be again a

Jew, or a Quaker, or a Unitarian, or

a Baptist. It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that led to

Jefferson's statute of religious freedom. Today, I may be the victim, but tomorrow it may be

you until

the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped apart at a time of great national peril.

Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end, where all men

and all churches are treated as equals, where every man has the same right to attend or not

to attend the church of his choice, where there is no Catholic vote, no antiCatholic vote, no

bloc voting of any kind, and where Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, at both the lay and the

pastoral levels, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often

marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.

That is the kind of America in which I believe. And it represents the kind of Presidency in

which I believe, a great office that must be neither humbled by making it the instrument of

any religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding it its

occupancy from the

members of any one religious group. I believe in a President whose views on religion are his

own private affair, neither imposed upon him by the nation, nor imposed by the nation upon

him as a condition to holding that office.

I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of religious liberty; nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do

so. And neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the

Constitution by requiring a religious test, even by indirection. For if they disagree with that

safeguard, they should be openly working to repeal it.

I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all and obligated to none, who

can attend any ceremony, service, or dinner his office may appropriately require of him to

fulfill; and whose fulfillment of his Presidential office is not limited or conditioned by any

religious oath, ritual, or obligation.

This is the kind of America I believe in and

this is the kind of America I fought for in the

South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then that we

might have a divided loyalty, that we did not believe in liberty, or that we belonged to a

disloyal group that threatened I

quote "

the freedoms for which our forefathers died."

AmericanRhetoric.com

And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers did die when they fled here to

escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches when

they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom and

when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo. For side by side with

Bowie and

Crockett died Fuentes, and McCafferty, and Bailey, and Badillo, and Carey but no one

knows whether they were Catholics or not, for there was no religious test there. I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition to

judge me on the basis of 14 years in the

Congress, on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools which

I attended myself. And instead of doing this, do not judge me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select quotations out of context

from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other

centuries, and rarely relevant to any situation here. And always omitting, of course, the

statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed ChurchState separation,

and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.

I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts. Why should you?

But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the State being

used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or prosecute the free

exercise of any other religion. And that goes for any persecution, at any time, by anyone, in

any country. And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny

their Presidency to Protestants, and those which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the

misdeeds of those who differ, I would also cite the record of the Catholic Church in such

nations as France and Ireland, and the independence of such statesmen as De Gaulle and

Adenauer.

But let me stress again that these are my views.

For contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President.

I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my church on public matters; and the church does not speak for me.

Whatever issue may come before me as President, if I should be elected, on birth control,

divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject, I will make my decision in accordance

with these views in

accordance with what my conscience tells me to be in the national

interest, and without regard to outside religious pressure or dictates. And no power or threat

of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.

But if the time should ever come and

I do not concede any conflict to be remotely possible when

my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious public servant would do

likewise.

AmericanRhetoric.com

But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant

faith; nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.

If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I'd

tried my best and was fairly judged.

But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being

President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in

the eyes of Catholics and nonCatholics

around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the

eyes of our own people.

But if, on the other hand, I should win this election, then I shall devote every effort of mind

and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency practically

identical, I might add, with the

oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation, I can, “solemnly

swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the

best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution so

help me God.”

肯尼迪演说搞篇五
《约翰.肯尼迪演讲稿(中英文对照)》

First Inaugural Address

(John F. Kennedy)

Jan. 2o, 1961.

Brief introduction to the speaker:

*******************************************************************************

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first, revolution. Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new

generation of Americans, born in this century tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which. we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and

success of liberty

This much we pledge and more.

To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the

loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided

there is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.

few who are rich.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and run.

We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.

uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage

the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to rsndo the herrny brrrdens rrnd let the oppressed go hee.

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of powen but a new world of law, whel-e the

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to

give testimony to its national loyalty The graves of young Americans, who answered the caI1 to service, surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a cal1 to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilight

struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease, and war itself

Can we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic

effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility I

welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation. The energy the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor,

will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

Finally whether you are citizens of A1nerica, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. Wth a good conscience our

only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the Iand we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.

火炬已经传给新一代美国人

（约翰.肯尼迪）

1961.1.20

演讲者简介：

**********************************************************************************

这些就是我们的保证—而且还有更多的保证。

肯尼迪演说搞篇六
《肯尼迪就职演说的分析与理解》

肯尼迪演说搞篇七
《肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)》

肯尼迪总统就职演说（1961年1月20日）

Inaugural Address of John F. Kennedy January 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President

Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们：

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

我们今天所看到的，并非是某一党派的胜利，而是自由的庆典。它象征着结束，亦象征着开始；意味着更新，亦意味着变化。因为我已在你们及万能的上帝面前，依着我们先辈175年前写下的誓言宣誓。

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. 世界已然今非昔比，因为人类手中已经掌握了巨大的力量，既可以用来消除各种形式的贫困，亦可用以毁灭人类社会。然而，我们先辈曾为之战斗的那些革命性的信念还依然在世界上受人争议——那就是，每个人享有的各项权利决非来自国家政权的慷慨赐予，而是出自上帝之手。

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage -- and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

今天，我们不敢有忘，我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此时，让这个声音从这里同时向我们的朋友和敌人传达：火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪，既经受过战火的锤炼，又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。他们深为我们古老的遗产所自豪——决不愿目睹或听任诸项人权受到无形的侵蚀，这些权利不仅为这个国家始终信守不渝，亦是我们正在国内和世界上誓死捍卫的东西。

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

让每一个国家都知道，无论它们对我们抱有善意还是恶意，我们都准备付出任何代价、承受任何重任、迎战任何艰险、支持任何朋友、反对任何敌人，以使自由得以维系和胜利。 This much we pledge -- and more.

这是我们矢志不移的承诺，且远不止此！

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. 对于那些与我们共享同一文化和精神源头的老朋友，我们许以朋友的忠诚。在许许多多的合作事业中，我们会尽己所能以促进我们的团结，而决不故意制造分裂，因为我们不敢轻易面对由分歧或体系崩溃而导致的巨大挑战。

remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

对于那些新成立的国家，我们欢迎它们加入自由阵营，并在此许以忠告：某种形式的殖民控制决不会仅仅因为被另一种更为残酷的霸权所取代就消声匿迹。我们不会期待他们始终支持我们的观点，但我们希望他们能始终坚定地维护他们自己的自由——并且牢记，在过去，那些愚蠢地骑上独裁的虎背以谋求权力的人最终都以葬身虎腹而告终。

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.

对于那些寄居于大半个地球上的草舍村落、为着挣脱无尽苦难的枷锁而奋斗的人民，我们承诺将尽我们最大的努力，以使他们获得自助的能力。因为这是时代对我们提出的要求——不是因为共～产～党人可能如此行事、不是因为我们需要他们的选票，仅仅是因为这样做是正当的。

If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

如果一个自由的社会不能帮助贫穷的多数，它就不能拯救那富裕的少数。

对于我们的南部邻邦共和国，我们许以特殊的承诺：将我们的良言转为善行，在为了进步而结成的新盟邦里，帮助自由的人民和自由的政府摆脱贫困。但这一希翼中的和平革命不能成为敌对势力的牺牲品，让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们一道，反对发生在美洲任何地区的侵略和颠覆。

And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

让所有其他势力都知道，这一半球的人民致力于维护他们作为自己家园主人的地位。

对于那个主权国家的世界性会议组织——联合国，我们最后一次良好祝愿是发生在战争机器远远超过和平机器的时代。为了防止它沦为仅仅用来谩骂攻讦的论坛，为了加强它对新成立国家及弱小国家的保障功能、为了扩展其权力涵盖的领域，我们现在重申对它的支持承诺。 Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace -- before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. 最后，对于那些主动站到我们敌对面的国家，我们提出的不是许诺，而是恳求：在被科学释放出的、黑暗的破坏力量以有计划的或偶然性的自我毁灭方式吞噬全人类之前，恳求双方再一次地开始谋求和平的努力。

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.

我们不敢以软弱诱惑它们，因为只有当我们的军备充足到确切无疑的程度时，我们才能确切无疑地肯定它们永远不会被投入使用。但这两个强大的国家集团都无法从彼此当前的做法中得到安慰——双方都背负了过高的现代武器系统的成本、双方都理所当然地对致死性原子武器的持续扩散感到惊恐不安，但双方都竞相改变不确定的恐怖均衡，这种均衡恰恰抑制了人类最后摊牌的冲动。

Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate. 让我们永远不要因为惧怕而谈判，让我们永远不要惧怕谈判。

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

让双方探寻那些能将我们团结在一起的因素，而不是那些刻意挑出那些分裂我们的因素。 Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

让双方首先提出认真细致的方案来核查及控制军备，并将毁灭其他国家的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

让双方努力去激发科学的奇迹，而非科学的恐怖。让我们一同探索星空、征服沙漠、消除疾病、开发海洋深处，鼓励艺术和商业。

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens... [and] let the oppressed go free."

让双方在世界每一个角落，都共同信守《圣经．以赛亚书》中的教诲——“卸下重负……让被压迫者自由。”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

如果合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，让双方携手进行新的努力——不是为了建立新的势力均衡，而是为了建立新的规则体系——以使强者正义，弱者安全，和平维系

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

所有这些工作将不会在从现在起的一百天、一千天内完成，也不会在本届行政分支任期内完成，甚至可能不会在我们的有生之年完成，但是，请让我们现在开始工作。

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

我的同胞们，我们事业的最终成败将掌握在你们的手中而不仅仅是我的手中。从这个国家被创建那天起，每一代美国人都被召唤去证实自己对国家的忠诚。那些响应号召献身国家的年轻美国人的安息之所遍布全球。

Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. 现在，召唤的号角又一次吹响——不是号召我们扛起武器，虽然武器是我们所需要的——也不是号召我们去参加战斗，虽然我们准备战斗——而是号召我们年复一年地去进行一场漫长而未分胜负的搏斗，在希望中欢乐，而患难中忍耐，以反对人类共同的敌人：暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身。

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

为了反对这些敌人，我们能够将南方与北方、东方与西方团结起来，熔铸成一个伟大的和全球性的联盟，以确保全人类得享更为成果累累的生活吗？你们愿意参与这项历史性的努力吗？

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

在世界历史的长河里，只有少数几代人被赋予了在自由面临最大危机时捍卫自由的使命，我不会畏缩于这一责任——我欢迎它！我也不相信我们中的任何人会愿意与其他国家的人民或其他世代的人民易地而处。我们在这场努力中所倾注的精力、信念和奉献将照耀我们的国家以及所有为之献身的人，火焰所放射出的光芒必将普照全世界。

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

所以，我的美国同胞们，不要问你的国家为你做了什么，而应问你能为你的国家做些什么。My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

我的世界同胞们，不要问美国将为你做些什么，而应问我们应该一起为了全人类的自由做些什么Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

最后，无论是美国公民还是世界其他国家的公民，请用我们要求于你们的关于力量和牺牲的高标准来要求我们，本着我们唯一可以指望有所回报的善意良知，依着能最终裁决我们功业的历史，让我们着手领导我们所热爱的国家，在祈求神的赐福和神的帮助的同时，也能深切体认，在这片土地上，神的工作必定也是我们自己所应承担的使命。

12 下一页

相关热词搜索：

肯尼迪演说搞

最新推荐成考报名

最新成考报名

成考报名排行榜